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It will be observed, that Kepler's results were far from being entirely satisfactory; but he seems to have flattered himself, that the differences might be attributed to erroneous measurements. Indeed, the science of observation was then so much in its infancy, that such an assertion might be made without incurring much risk of decisive refutation. Kepler next endeavoured to determine why the regular solids followed in this rather than any other order; and his imagination soon created a variety of essential distinctions between the cube, pyramid, and dodecahedron, belonging to the superior planets, and the other two. The next question examined in the book, is the reason why the zodiac is divided into 360 degrees;; and on this subject, he soon becomes enveloped in a variety of subtle considerations, (not very intelligible in the original, and still more difficult to explain shortly to others unacquainted with it,) in relation to the divisions of the musical scale; the origin of which he identifies with his five favourite solids. The twentieth chapter is appropriated to a more interesting inquiry, containing the first traces of his finally successful researches into the proportion between the distances of the planets, and the times of their motions round the sun. He begins with the generally admitted fact, that the more distant planets move more slowly; but in order to show that the proportion, whatever it may be, is not the simple one of the distances, he exhibits the following little Table :

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planet placed above it, and underneath the days due to the other inferior planets, if they observed the proportion of distance. Hence it appears that this proportion in every case gives a time greater than the truth; as for instance, if the earth's rate of revolution were to Jupiter's in the proportion of their distances, the second column shows that the time of her period would be 843 instead of 365 days; so of the rest. His next attempt was to compare them by two by two, in which he found that he arrived at a proportion something like the proportion of the distances, although as yet far from obtaining it exactly. This process amounts to taking the quotients obtained by dividing the period of each planet by the period of the one next beyond.

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From this table he argued that to make the proportions agree, we must assume one of two things, "either that the moving intelligences of the planets are weakest in those which are farthest from the Sun, or that there is one moving intelligence in the Sun, the common centre forcing them all round, but those most violently which are nearest, and that it languishes in some sort, and grows weaker at the most distant, because of the remoteness and the attenuation of the virtue."

We stop here to insert a note added by Kepler to the later editions, and shall take advantage of the same interruption to warn the reader not to confound this notion of Kepler with the theory of a gravitating force towards the Sun, in the sense in which we now use those words. According to our theory, the effect of the presence of the Sun upon the planet is to pull it towards the

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centre in a straight line, and the effect of the motion thus produced combined with the motion of the planet, which if undisturbed would be in a straight line inclined to the direction of the radius, is, that it describes a curve round the Sun. Kepler considered his planets as perfectly quiet and unwilling to move when left alone; and that this virtue supposed by him to proceed in every direction out of the Sun, swept them round, just as the sails of a windmill would carry round anything which became entangled in them. In other parts of his works Kepler mentions having speculated on a real attractive force in the centre; but as he knew that the planets are not always at the same distance from the Sun, and conceived erroneously, that to remove them from their least to their greatest distance a repulsive force must be supposed alternating with an attractive one, he laid aside this notion as improbable. In a note he acknowledges that when he wrote the passage just quoted, imbued as he then was with Scaliger's notions on moving intelligences, he literally believed that each planet was moved by a living spirit, but afterwards came to look on the moving cause as a corporeal though immaterial substance, something in the nature of light which is observed to diminish similarly at increased distances." He then proceeds as follows in the original text.

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Let us then assume, as is very probable, that motion is dispensed by the sun in the same manner as light. The proportion in which light emanating from a centre is diminished, is taught by optical writers: for there is the same quantity of light, or of the solar rays, in the small circles as in the large; and therefore, as it is more condensed in the former, more attenuated in the latter, a measure of the attenuation may be derived from the proportion of the circles themselves, both in the case of light and of the moving virtue. Therefore, by how much the orbit of Venus is greater than that of Mercury, in the same proportion will the motion of the latter be stronger, or more hurried, or more swift, or more powerful, or by whatever other word you like to express the fact, than that of the former. But a larger orbit would require a proportionably longer time of revolution, even though the moving force were the same. Hence it follows that the one cause of a greater distance of the planet from the Sun, produces a double effect in increasing the period,

and conversely the increase of the periods will be double the difference of the distances. Therefore, half the increment added to the shorter period ought to give the true proportion of the distances, so that the sum should represent the distance of the superior planet, on the same scale on which the shorter period represents the distance of the inferior one. For instance, the period of Mercury is nearly 88 days; that of Venus is 2243, the difference is 136: half of this is 681, which, added to 88, gives 156.

The mean distance of Venus ought, therefore, to be, in proportion to that of Mercury, as 156 to 88. If this be done with all the planets, we get the following results, taking successively, as before, the distance of each planet at 1000. The distance in But accord- (572 parts of which ing to Co- 290 the distance of pernicus the next superior they are planet contains respectively 719 1000, is at

574

274

694

762

563

658

500

As you see, we have now got nearer the truth."

Finding that this theory of the rate of diminution would not bring him quite close to the result he desired to find, Kepler immediately imagined, another. This latter occasioned him a great deal of perplexity, and affords another of the frequently recurring instances of the waste of time and ingenuity occasioned by his impetuous and precipitate temperament. Assuming the distance. of any planet, as for instance of Mars, to be the unit of space, and the virtue at that distance to be the unit of force, he supposed that as many particles as the virtue at the Earth gained upon that of Mars, so many particles of distance did the Earth lose. He endeavoured to determine the respective positions of the planets upon this theory, by the rules of false position, but was much astonished at finding the same exactly as on his former hypothesis. The fact was, as he himself discovered, although not until after several years, that he had become confused in his calculation; and when half through the process, had retraced his steps so as of course to arrive again at the numbers from which he started, and which he had taken from his former results. This was the real secret of the identity of the two methods; and if, when he had taken the distance of Mars at 1000, instead of assuming the distance of the earth at 694, as he did, he had taken any other number, and operated upon it in the same manner, he would

have had the same reason for relying on the accuracy of his supposition. As it was, the result utterly confounded him; and he was obliged to leave it with the remark, that "the two theories are thus proved to be the same in fact, and only different in form; although how that can possibly be, I have never to this day been able to understand."-His perplexity was very reasonable; they are by no means the same; it was only his method of juggling with the figures which seemed to connect them.

Notwithstanding all its faults, the genius and unwearied perseverance displayed by Kepler in this book, immediately ranked him among astronomers of the first class; and he received the most flattering encomiums from many of the most celebrated; among others, from Galileo and Tycho Brahe, whose opinion he invited upon his performance. Galileo contented himself with praising in general terms the ingenuity and good faith which appeared so conspicuously in it. Tycho Brahe entered into a more detailed criticism of the work, and, as Kepler shrewdly remarked, showed how highly he thought of it by advising him to try to adapt something of the same kind to the Tychonic system. Kepler also sent a copy of his book to the imperial astronomer, Raimar, with a complimentary letter, in which he exalted him above all other astronomers of the age. Raimar had surreptitiously acquired a notion of Tycho Brahe's theory, and published it as his own; and Tycho, in his letter, complained of Kepler's extravagant flattery. This drew a long apologetical reply from Kepler, in which he attributed the admiration he had expressed of Raimar to his own want of information at that time, having since met with many things in Euclid and Regiomontanus, which he then believed original in Raimar. With this explanation, Tycho professed himself perfectly

satisfied.

CHAPTER II.

Kepler's Marriage-He joins Tycho Brahe at Prague-Is appointed Imperial Mathematician-Treatise on the New Star.

THE publication of this extraordinary book, early as it occurs in the history of Kepler's life, was yet preceded by his marriage. He had contemplated this step so early as 1592; but that suit having been broken off, he paid his ad

dresses, in 1596, to Barbara Muller von Muhleckh. This lady was already a widow for the second time, although two years younger than Kepler himself. On occasion of this alliance he was required to prove the nobility of his family, and the delay consequent upon the inquiry postponed the marriage till the following year. He soon became involved in difficulties in consequence of this inconsiderate engagement: his wife's fortune was less than he had been led to expect, and he became embroiled on that account with her relations. Still more serious inconvenience resulted to

him from the troubled state in which the province of Styria was at that time, arising out of the disputes in Bohemia and the two great religious parties into which the empire was now divided, the one headed by Rodolph, the feeble minded emperor,-the other by Matthias, his ambitious and enterprising brother.

In the year following his marriage, he thought it prudent, on account of some opinions he had unadvisedly promulgated, (of what nature does not very distinctly appear,) to withdraw himself from Gratz into Hungary. Thence he transmitted several short treatises to his friend Zehentmaier, at Tubingen-" On the Magnet," "On the Cause of the Obliquity of the Ecliptic," and "On the Divine Wisdom, as shown in the Creation." Little is known of these works beyond the notice taken of them in Zehentmaier's answers. Kepler has himself told us, that his magnetic philosophy was built upon the investigations of Gilbert, of whom he always justly spoke with the greatest respect.

About the same time a more violent persecution had driven Tycho Brahe from his observatory of Uraniburg, in the little island of Hueen, at the entrance of the Baltic. This had been bestowed on him by the munificence of Frederick I. of Denmark, who liberally furnished him with every means of prosecuting_his astronomical observations. After Frederick's death, Tycho found himself unable to withstand the party which had constantly opposed him, and was forced, at a great loss and much inconvenience, to quit his favourite island. On the invitation of the emperor, Rudolph II., he then betook himself, after a short stay at Hamburg, to the castle of Benach, near Prague, which was assigned to him with an annual pension of three thousand florins, a truly munificent provision in those times and that country.

Kepler had been eager to see Tycho Brahe since the latter had intimated that his observations had led him to a more accurate determination of the excentricities of the orbits of the planets. By help of this, Kepler hoped that his theory might be made to accord more nearly with the truth; and on learning that Tycho was in Bohemia, he immediately set out to visit him, and arrived at Prague in January, 1600. From thence he wrote a second letter to Tycho, not having received the answer to his former apology, again excusing himself for the part he had appeared to take with Raimar against him. Tycho replied immediately in the kindest manner, and begged he would repair to him directly: "Come not as a stranger, but as a very welcome friend; come and share in my observations with such instruments as I have with me, and as a dearly beloved associate." During his stay of three or four months at Benach, it was settled that Tycho should apply to the emperor, to procure him the situation of assistant in the observatory. Kepler then returned to Gratz, having previously received an intimation, that he might do so in safety. The plan, as it had been arranged between them was, that a letter should be procured from the emperor to the states of Styria, requesting that Kepler might join Tycho Brahe for two years, and retain his salary during that time: a hundred florins were to be added annually by the emperor, on account of the greater dearness of living at Prague. But before everything was concluded, Kepler finally threw up his situation at Gratz, in consequence of new dissensions. Fearing that this would utterly put an end to his hopes of connecting himself with Tycho, he determined to revive his claims on the patronage of the Duke of Wirtemberg. With this view he entered into correspondence with Mästlin and some of his other friends at Tubingen, intending to prosecute his medical studies, and offer himself for the professorship of medicine in that university. He was dissuaded from this scheme by the pressing instances of Tycho, who undertook to exert himself in procuring a permanent settlement for him from the emperor, and assured him, even if that attempt should fail, that the language he had used when formerly inviting him to visit him at Hamburg, should not be forgotten. In consequence of this en

couragement," Kepler abandoned his former scheme, and travelled again with his wife to Prague. He was detained a long time on the road by violent illness, and his money became entirely exhausted. On this he wrote complainingly to Tycho, that he was unable without assistance to travel even the short distance which still separated them, far less to await much longer the fulfilment of the promises held out to him.

By his subsequent admissions, it appears that for a considerable time he lived entirely on Tycho's bounty, and by way of return, he wrote an essay against Raimar, and against a Scotchman named Liddell, professor at Rostoch and Helmstadt, who, like Raimar, had appropriated to himself the credit of the Tychonic system. Kepler never adopted this theory, and indeed, as the question merely regarded priority of invention, there could be no occasion, in the discussion, for an examination of its principles.

This was followed by a transaction, not much to Kepler's credit, who in the course of the following year, and during a second absence from Prague, fancied that he had some reason to complain of Tycho's behaviour, and wrote him a violent letter, filled with reproaches and insults. Tycho appears to have behaved in this affair with great moderation: professing to be himself occupied with the marriage of his daughter, he gave the care of replying to Kepler's charges, to Ericksen, one of his assistants, who, in a very kind and temperate letter, pointed out to him the ingratitude of his behaviour, and the groundlessness of his dissatisfaction. His principal complaint seems to have been, that Tycho had not sufficiently supplied his wife with money during his absence. Ericksen's letter produced an immediate and entire change in Kepler's temper, and it is only from the humble recantation which he instantaneously offered that we learn the extent of his previous violence. "Most noble Tycho," these are the words of his letter, how shall I enumerate or rightly estimate your benefits conferred on me! For two months you have liberally and gratuitously maintained me, and my whole family; you have provided for all my wishes; you have done me every possible kindness; you have communicated to me everything you hold most dear; no one, by word or deed, has intentionally injured me in anything: in short,

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not to your children, your wife, or yourself have you shown more indulgence than to me. This being so, as I am anxious to put upon record, I cannot reflect without consternation that I should have been so given up by God to my own intemperance, as to shut my eyes on all these benefits; that, instead of modest and respectful gratitude, I should indulge for three weeks in continual moroseness towards all your family, in headlong passion, and the utmost insolence towards yourself, who possess so many claims on my veneration from your noble family, your extraordinary learning, and distinguished reputation. Whatever I have said or written against the person, the fame, the honour, and the learning of your excellency; or whatever, in any other way, I have injuriously spoken or written, (if they admit no other more favourable interpretation,) as to my grief I have spoken and written many things, and more than I can remember; all and everything I recant, and freely and honestly declare and profess to be groundless, false, and incapable of proof." Hoffmann, the president of the states of Styria, who had taken Kepler to Prague on his first visit, exerted himself to perfect the reconciliation, and this hasty quarrel was entirely passed over.

On Kepler's return to Prague, in September, 1601, he was presented to the Emperor by Tycho, and honoured with the title of Imperial Mathematician, on condition of assisting Tycho in his calculations. Kepler desired nothing more than this condition, since Tycho was at that time probably the only person in the world who possessed observations sufficient for the reform which he now began to meditate in the theory of astronomy. Rudolph appears to have valued both Tycho Brahe and Kepler as astrologers rather than astronomers; but although unable to appreciate rightly the importance of the task they undertook, of compiling a new set of astronomical tables founded upon Tycho's observations, yet his vanity was flattered with the prospect of his name being connected with such a work, and he made liberal promises to defray the expense of the new Rudolphine Tables. Tycho's principal assistant at this time was Longomontanus, who altered his name to this form, according to the prevalent fashion of giving to every name a Latin termination. Lomborg or Longbierg was the name, not of his family, but of the village in Denmark, where he was

born, just as Müller was seldom called by any other name than Regiomontanus, from his native town Königsberg, as George Joachim Rheticus was so surnamed from Rhetia, the country of the Grisons, and as Kepler himself was sometimes called Leonmontanus, from Leonberg, where he passed his infancy. It was agreed between Longomontanus and Kepler, that in discussing Tycho's observations, the former should apply himself especially to the Moon, and the latter to Mars, on which planet, owing to its favourable position, Tycho was then particularly engaged. The nature of these labours will be explained when we come to speak of the celebrated book "On the Motions of Mars."

This arrangement was disturbed by the return of Longomontanus into Denmark, where he had been offered an astronomical professorship, and still more by the sudden death of Tycho Brahe himself in the following October. Kepler attended him during his illness, and after his death undertook to arrange some of his writings. But, in consequence of a misunderstanding between him and Tycho's family, the manuscripts were taken out of his hands; and when, soon afterwards, the book appeared, Kepler complained heavily that they had published, without his consent or knowledge, the notes and interlineations added by him for his own private guidance whilst preparing it for publication.

On Tycho's death, Kepler succeeded him as principal mathematician to the emperor; but although he was thus nominally provided with a liberal salary, it was almost always in arrear. The pecuniary embarrassments in which he constantly found himself involved, drove him to the resource of gaining a livelihood by casting nativities. His peculiar temperament rendered him not averse from such speculations, and he enjoyed considerable reputation in this line, and received ample remuneration for his predictions. But although he did not scruple, when consulted, to avail himself in this manner of the credulity of his contemporaries, he passed over few occasions in his works of protesting against the futility of this particular genethliac astrology. His own astrological creed was in a different strain, more singular, but not less extravagant. We shall defer entering into any details concerning it, till we come to treat of his book on Harmonics, in which he has collected and

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