probably arises from the disorderly manner in which the vibrations strike the drum of the ear; so that for instance a most cruel discord would be produced by sounding together two strings, of which the lengths are to each other as the side and diagonal of a square, which is the discord of the false fifth. On the contrary, agreeable consonances will result from those strings of which the numbers of vibrations made in the same time are commensurable, "to the end that the cartilage of the drum may not undergo the incessant torture of a double inflexion from the disagreeing percussions." Something similar may be exhibited to the eye by hanging up pendulums of different lengths: "if these be proportioned so that the times of their vibrations correspond with those of the musical concords, the eye will observe with pleasure their crossings and interweavings still recurring at appreciable intervals; but if the times of vibration be incommensurate, the eye will be wearied and worn out with following them." being the farthest removed from the wall. As an easy mode of describing the parabolic curve for this purpose, he recommends tracing the line in which a heavy flexible string hangs. This curve is not an accurate parabola: it is now called a catenary; but it is plain from the description of it in the fourth dialogue, that Galileo was perfectly aware that this construction is only approximately true. In the same place he makes the remark, which to many is so paradoxical, that no force, however great, exerted in a horizontal direction, can stretch a heavy thread, however slender, into an accurately straight line. The fifth and sixth dialogues were left unfinished, and annexed to the former ones by Viviani after Galileo's death: the fragment of the fifth, which is on the subject of Euclid's Definition of Ratio, was at first intended to have formed a part of the third, and followed the first proposition on equable motion: the sixth was intended to have embodied Galileo's researches on the nature and laws of Percussion, on which he was employed at the time of his death. Considering these solely as fragments, we shall not here make any extracts from them. CHAPTER XVIII. Correspondence on Longitudes.-Pendulum Clock. The second dialogue is occupied entirely with an investigation of the strength of beams, a subject which does not appear to have been examined by any one before Galileo beyond Aristotle's remark, that long beams are weaker, because they are at once the weight, the lever, and the fulcrum; and it is in the development of this observation that the whole theory consists. The principle assumed by Galileo as the basis of his inquiries is, that the force of cohesion with which a beam resists a cross fracture in any section may all be considered as acting at the centre of gravity of the section, and that it breaks always at the lowest point: from this he deduced that the effect of the weight of a prismatic beam in overcoming the resistance of one end by which it is fastened to a wall, varies directly as the square of the length, and inversely as the side of the base. From this it immediately follows, that if for instance the bone of a large animal be three times as long as the corresponding one in a smaller beast, it must be nine times as thick to have the same strength, provided we suppose in both cases that the materials are of the same consistence. An elegant result which Galileo also deduced from this theory, is that the form of such a beam, to be equally strong in every part, should be that of a parabolical prism, the vertex of the parabola Blaise Pascal. IN the spring of 1636, having finished his Dialogues on Motion, Galileo resumed the plan of determining the longitude by means of Jupiter's satellites. Perhaps he suspected something of the private intrigue which thwarted his former expectations from the Spanish government, and this may have induced him on the present occasion to negotiate the matter without applying for Ferdinand's assistance and recommendation. Accordingly he addressed himself to Lorenz Real, who had been Governor General of the Dutch possessions in India, freely and unconditionally offering the use of his theory to the States General of Holland. Not long before, his opinion had been requested by the commissioners appointed at Paris to examine and report on the practicability of another method proposed by Morin, which consisted in observing the distance of the moon from a known star. Morin was a French philosopher, prin One of the Commissioners was the father of GALILEO. cipally known as an astrologer and zea- The monthly motion of the moon is so The success of this method depends altogether upon the exact knowledge which we now have of the moon's course, and till that knowledge was perfected it would have been found altogether illusory. Such in fact was the judgment which Galileo pronounced upon it. "As to Morin's book on the method of finding the longitude by means of the moon's motion, I say freely that I conceive this idea to be as accurate in theory, as fallacious and impossible in practice. I am sure that neither you nor any one of the other four gentlemen can doubt the possibility of finding the difference of longitude between two me ridians by means of the moon's motion, provided we are sure of the following requisites: First, an Ephemeris of the moon's motion exactly calculated for the first meridian from which the others struments, and convenient to handle, in are to be reckoned; secondly, exact intaking the distance between the moon and a fixed star; thirdly, great practical skill in the observer; fourthly, not less accuracy in the scientific calculations, and astronomical computations; fifthly, very perfect clocks to number them exactly, &c. Supposing, I say, the hours, or other means of knowing all these elements free from error, the longitude will be accurately found; but I reckon it more easy and likely to err in all of these together, than to be practically right in one alone. Morin ought to require his judges to assign, at their pleasure, eight or ten moments of different nights during four or six months to come, and pledge himself to predict and assign by his calculations the distances of the moon at those determined instants from some star which would then be near her. If it is found that the distances assigned by him agree with those which the quadrant or sextant will actually show, the judges would be satisfied of his success, or rather of the truth of the matter, and nothing would remain but to show that his operations were such as could be performed by men of moderate skill, and also practicable at sea as well as on land. I incline much to think that an experiment of this kind would do much towards abating the opinion and conceit which Morin has of himself, which appears to me so lofty, that I should consider myself the eighth sage, if I knew the half of what Morin presumes to know." biassed by a predilection for his own It is probable that Galileo was method, on which he had expended so much time and labour; but the ob jections which he raises against Morin's proposal in the foregoing letter are no other than those to which at that period it was undoubtedly open. With regard to his own, he had already, in 1612, given a rough prediction of the course of Jupiter's satellites, which had been found to agree tolerably well with subsequent observations; and since that These instraments were very inferior to those time, amid all his other employments, he had almost unintermittingly during twenty-four years continued his observations, for the sake of bringing the tables of their motions to as high a state of perfection as possible. This was the point to which the inquiries of the States in their answer to Galileo's frank proposal were principally directed. They immediately appointed commissioners to communicate with him, and report the various points on which they required information. They also sent him a golden chain, and assured him that in the case of the design proving successful, he should have no cause to complain of their want of gratitude and generosity. The commissioners immediately commenced an active correspondence with him, in the course of which he entered into more minute details with regard to the methods by which he proposed to obviate the practical difficulties of the necessary observations. It is worth noticing that the secretary to the Prince of Orange, who was mainly instrumental in forming this commission, was Constantine Huyghens, father of the celebrated mathematician of that name, of whom it has been said that he seemed destined to complete the discoveries of Galileo; and it is not a little remarkable, that Huyghens nowhere in his published works makes any allusion to this connexion between his father and Galileo, not even during the discussion that arose some years later on the subjeet of the pendulum clock, which must necessarily have forced it upon his recollection. and for two or three years the correspondence with Holland was entirely interrupted. Constantine Huyghens, who was capable of appreciating the value of the scheme, succeeded after some trouble in renewing it, but only just before the death of Galileo himself, by which of course it was a second time broken off; and to complete the singular series of obstacles by which the trial of this method was impeded, just as Renieri, by order of the Duke of Tuscany, was about to publish the ephemeris and tables which Galileo had entrusted to him, and which the Duke told Viviani he had seen in his possession, he also was attacked with a mortal malady; and upon his death the manuscripts were nowhere to be found, nor has it since been discovered what became of them. Montucla has intimated his suspicions that Renieri himself destroyed them, from a consciousness that they were insufficient for the purpose to which it was intended to apply them; a bold conjecture, and one which ought to rest upon something more than mere surmise: for although it may be considered certain, that the practical value of these tables would be very inconsiderable in the present advanced state of knowledge, yet it is nearly as sure that they were unique at that time, and Renieri was aware of the value which Galileo himself had set upon them, and should not be lightly accused of betraying his trust in so gross a manner. In 1665, Borelli calculated the places of the satellites for every day in the ensuing year, which he professed to have deduced (by desire of the Grand Duke) from Galileo's tables; but he does not say whether or not these tables were the same that had been in Renieri's possession. The Dutch commissioners had chosen one of their number to go into Italy for the purpose of communicating person ally with Galileo, but he discouraged this scheme, from a fear of its giving umbrage at Rome. The correspondence being carried on at so great a distance necessarily experienced many tedious delays, till in the very midst of Galileo's labours to complete his tables, he was seized with the blindness which we have already mentioned. He then resolved to place all the papers containing his observations and calculations for this purpose in the hands of Renieri, a former pupil of his, and then professor of mathematics at Pisa, who undertook to finish and to forward them into Holland. Before this was done, a new delay was occasioned by the deaths which speedily followed each other of every one of the four commissioners; 1666. We have delayed till this opportunity to examine how far the invention of the pendulum clock belongs to Galileo. It has been asserted that the isochronism of the pendulum had been noticed by Leonardo da Vinci, but the passage on which this assertion is founded (as translated from his manuscripts by Venturi) scarcely warrants this conclusion. "A rod which engages itself in the opposite teeth of a spur-wheel can act like the arm of the balance in clocks, that is to say, it will act alternately, first on one side of the wheel, then on the opposite Theorica Mediceorum Planetarum, Florentiæ, one, without interruption." If Da Vinci had constructed a clock on this principle, and recognized the superiority of the pendulum over the old balance, he would surely have done more than merely mention it as affording an unintermitted motion "like the arm of the balance." The use of the balance is supposed to have been introduced at least as early as the fourteenth century. Venturi mentions the drawing and description of a clock in one of the manuscripts of the King's Library at Paris, dated about the middle of the fifteenth century, which as he says nearly resembles a modern watch. The balance is there called "The circle fastened to the stem of the pallets, and moved by the force with it.* In that singularly wild and extravagant book, entitled "A History of both Worlds," by Robert Flud, are given two drawings of the wheel-work of the clocks and watches in use before the application of the pendulum. An inspection of them will show how little remained to be done when the isochronism of the pendulum was discovered. Fig. 1. represents "the Fig. 2. fig. 2. the small ones moved by a spring, such as are worn round the neck, or placed on a shelf or table. The use of the chain is to equalize the spring, which is strongest at the beginning of its motion."* This contrivance of the chain is mentioned by Cardan, in 1570, and is probably still older. In both figures the name given to the cross bar, with the weight attached to it, is "the time or balance (tempus seu libratio) by which the motion is equalized." The manner in which Huyghens first applied the pendulum is shown in fig. 3. The action in the old clocks of the balance, or rake, as it was also called, was by checking the motion of the descending weight till its inertia was overcome; it was then forced round till the opposite pallet engaged in the toothed wheel. The balance was thus suddenly and forcibly reduced to a state of rest, and again set in motion in the opposite direction. It will be observed that these balances wanted the spiral spring introduced in all modern watches, which has a property of isochronism similar to that of the pendulum. Hooke is generally named as the discoverer of this property of springs, and as the author of its application to the improvement of watches, but the invention is disputed with him by Huyghens. Lahire asserts that the isochronism of springs was communicated to Huyghens at Paris by Hautefeuille, and that this was the reason why Huyghens failed to obtain the patent he solicited for the construction of spring watches. A great number of curious contrivances at this early period in the history of Horology, may be seen in Schott's Magia Naturæ, published at Nuremberg in 1664. Galileo was early convinced of the importance of his pendulum to the accuracy of astronomical observations; but the progress of invention is such that the steps which on looking back seem the easiest to make, are often those which are the longest delayed. Galileo recognized the principle of the isochronism of the pendulum, and recommended it as a measurer of time in 1583; yet fifty years later, although constantly using it, he had not devised a more convenient method of doing so, than is contained in the following description taken from his "Astronomical Operations." Utriusque Cosmi Historia. Oppenhemii, 1617. + Huygenii Opera. Lugduni, 1724. † Mémoires de l'Academie,1717. The mode of finding exactly by means of this the quantity of any time reduced to hours, minutes, seconds, &c., which are the divisions commonly used among astronomers, is this:-" Fit up a pen dulum of any length, as for instance about a foot long, and count patiently (only for once) the number of vibrations during a natural day. Our object will be attained if we know the exact revolution of the natural day. The observer must then fix a telescope in the direction of any star, and continue to watch it till it disappears from the field of view. At that instant he must begin to count the vibrations of the pendulum, continuing all night and the following day till the return of the same star within the field of view of the telescope, and its second disappearance, as on the first night. Bearing in recollection the total number of vibrations thus made in twenty-four hours, the time corresponding to any other number of vibrations will be immediately given by the Golden Rule." A second extract out of Galileo's Dutch correspondence, in 1637,will show the extent of his improvements at that time:-"I come now to the second contrivance for increasing immensely the exactness of astronomical observations. I allude to my time-measurer, the precision of which is so great, and such, that it will give the exact quantity of hours, minutes, seconds, and even thirds, if their recurrence could be counted; and its constancy is such that two, four, or six such instruments will go on together so equably that one will not differ from another so much as the beat of a pulse, not only in an hour, but even in a day or a month.". "I do not make use of a weight hanging by a thread, but a heavy and solid pendulum, made for instance of brass or copper, in the shape of a circular sector of twelve or fifteen degrees, the radius of which may be two or three palms, and the greater it is the less trouble will there be in attending it. This sector, such as I have described, I make thickest in the middle radius, • See page 84. tapering gradually towards the edges, where I terminate it in a tolerably sharp line, to obviate as much as possible the resistance of the air, which is the sole cause of its retardation." [These last words deserve notice, because, in a previous discussion, Galileo had observed that the parts of the pendulum nearest the point of suspension have a tendency to vibrate quicker than those at the other end, and seems to have thought erroneously that the stoppage of the pendulum is partly to be attributed to this cause.] "This is pierced in the centre, through which is passed an iron bar shaped like those on which steelyards hang, terminated below in an angle, and placed on two bronze supports, that they may wear away less during a long motion of the sector. If the sector (when accurately balanced) be removed several degrees from its perpendicular position, it will continue a reciprocal motion through a very great number of vibrations before it will stop; and in order that it may continue its motion as long as is wanted, the attendant must occasionally give it a smart push, to carry it back to large vibrations." Galileo then describes as before the method of counting the vibrations in the course of a day, and gives the rule that the lengths of two similar pendulums will have the same proportion as the squares of their times of vibration. He then continues: "Now to save the fatigue of the assistant in continually counting the vibra tions, this is a convenient contrivance: A very small and delicate needle extends out from the middle of the circumference of the sector, which in passing strikes a rod fixed at one end; this rod rests upon the teeth of a wheel as light as paper, placed in a horizontal plane near the pendulum, having round it teeth cut like those of a saw, that is to say, with one side of each tooth perpendicular to the rim of the wheel and the other inclined obliquely. The rod striking against the perpendicular side of the tooth moves it, but as the same rod returns against the oblique side, it does not move it the contrary way, but slips over it and falls at the foot of the following tooth, so that the motion of the wheel will be always in the same direction. And by counting the teeth you may see at will the number of teeth passed, and consequently the number of vibrations and of particles of time elapsed. You may also fit to the axis H |