and powers, to obey magiftrates, and to be ready to every good work."

It is worthy of obfervation, that when the Apostle wrote these epistles, the civil authority was wholly in the hands of Heathen magiftrates. And fome of them, too the greatest monsters of cruelty; that were ever fuffered to fway a fceptre, or difgrace a throne. Tyrants, who were diftinguifhed only by their crimes, and rendered immortal only by their infamy, Yet fuch was the pacific fpirit of the gof, pel, that Chriftians were exhorted to "be subject, not only for wrath," that is for fear of punishment, "but for conscience fake."

Sentiments fimilar to these were enforced by the Apoftle Peter, in our context. "Submit yourselves, faid he, to every ordinance of man for the LORD'S fake. For this is the will of GOD, that with welldoing ye may put to filence the ignorance of foolifh men. As free, and not using your liberty for a cloke of malicioufness; but as the fervants of GOD."

The fenfe of the text will more fully appear, by the following familiar paraphrase. As if he had faid, "you will not, my brethren, mistake the nature of your Chriftian liberty, to fuppofe that be cause you profefs to be the difciples of CHRIST, you are freed from your allegiance to the government under which you are placed. It is true, that if the Son hath made you free, then are you free indeed, But this freedom confifts in being delivered from the guilt and power of fin, from the dominion of your own lufts, and from final condemnation at the great day when GOD fhall judge the world by JESUS CHRIST. But inftead of leffening your ob ligations

ligations to contribute to the peace and order of fo ciety, it greatly increases them. Your duty as Christians is urged by higher motives, and your obedience secured by more folemn fanctions. Sub mit yourselves therefore to every ordinance of man; defigned for the good of fociety, and not inconfif tent with the dictates of your own confciences, or the duties you owe to your GoD: And thus, by well-doing, you will put to filence the ignorance of foolish men, who represent your fentiments as tending to difloyalty and fedition. As free, but not abufing your liberty in ufing it as a cloke for mali cious conduct; but in all circumstances conducting yourselves faithfully as the fervants of GOD."

From the fubject thus placed before us, we are naturally led to the following inquiries. When may a people be faid to be free? What are the means beft calculated to preferve their freedom, and promote their happiness and profperity ? And, In what respects are they in danger from the abuse of their liberty?

In order to find a free people, we need not repair to Lybia's burning fands, fo learn the favage cuftoms and manners of thofe barbarous defcendants of lfhmael, who indeed boast of their freedom, but whofe liberty effentially confifts, in committing, with impunity and without a blush, the most flagrant acts of violence and injuftice. Nor is it neceffary that the restraints impofed by wife and equitable laws fhould be taken off, and the force of moral principle removed in order to render a people free. Such a ftate of things would only produce a lawless ungovernable freedom, which would terminate in the worst kind of anarchy and confufion.

It

It is evident that many who pretend to be the votaries of liberty, never understood its true principles, nor conducted themselves worthy of its bleffings. Genuine focial liberty can never exift without being protected and fupported by law, enlightened and aided by morality and religion.

But what peculiarly diftinguishes a free people from all others, is, the right they collectively poffefs to govern themselves: Or in other words, the right of choofing and establishing their own forms of government; and of appointing to office those who make and execute the laws.

That very confiderable privileges may be enjoyed under a defpotic government, and that the rights of justice may in general be maintained, will be readily admitted. But if the government exists independent of the governed, they cannot be faid to be free. Their fecurity for the few privileges they do enjoy, depends not on their acknowledged rights, but entirely on the will and difpofition of the perfons in office.

All legitimate governments are, or ought to be founded in compact. For it is not eafy to conceive how one man fhould have a right to rule over another, equally free as himself, without his confent: And should any one prefume to exercise authority over any portion of his fellow-men, without their exprefs or implied confent; they might, with great propriety, demand of him by what authority he did it? and who gave him this authority?

But, instead of being founded in compact, most of the governments which exift, owe their origin to fome ufurping tyrant; who, being more crafty,.or

more

more powerful than his neighbors, affumed dominion over them. Power thus wrongfully obtained at first, after defcending from hand to hand for a few generations, at length becomes legitimated and confirmed by time.

The people of thefe United States are peculiarly happy in this respect. Our history does not begin with narrating the exploits of fome fanguinary Chief, whofe blood-ftained crimes like thofe of Pizarro rendered him the terror of defenceless innocence, and the execration of mankind. No; we glory in a race of ancestors, who were men of the pureft morals, and moft unfullied virtue. Who were too pious to diffemble, and to independent to fubmit to ecclefiaftical fulminations. Men who were willing to leave their dear native fhores, and crofs the wide spreading ocean in queft of this better country. Who cheerfully encountered the numerous perils of an inhospitable wilderness, in order to fecure to themselves and their pofterity, the un molested enjoyment of civil and religious liberty.

These bleffings and privileges they bequeathed with their dying breath to their children; and in defence of this precious legacy, we feel ourselves juftified to GoD and the univerfe, in appealing to arms in our late glorious revolution...

Our cause was just, and heaven fucceeded it. The contest was severe, but victory and glory followed. The fun of freedom which had been gradually rifing upon these infant ftates, now burst forth in meridian fplendor. A nation was born in a day. A new era commenced. Another empire appeared on the map of the world. Aftonished Europe beheld

B

held in this western hemifphere à new conftellation. Conjecture was on tiptoe gazing, and fpeculation with unusual adroitnefs was endeavouring to find its magnitude and motion. Some thought they dif covered a new planet in the political horizon, moving regularly in its own orbit. Others concluded it would prove only a fatellite of fome European power. But many who viewed it through a fet of royal optics, conceived it to be only a baleful comet, portending revolution and war, making a hafty tranfit, and expected momently it would difappear. But, they had yet to learn that we were "a world by ourselves;" that we were independent Republicans; that we were free.

When the paffions incident to a state of war had fubfided, and God had given us reft from all our enemies round about, the public attention was naturally drawn to our internal fituation. Our provifional government, whi ch, like the tabernacle in the wilderness, had been erected during our revolutionary march, was too defective and inefficient for our future fecurity. It was unable to preserve public credit, or feeure public confidence. It hence became indispensibly neceffary in order to confolidate the union of the States, and to give permanency and dignity to our national character, that a new Conftitution fhould be formed. That the powers of the different branches of the general government fhould be specifically defined; their limits fo dif tinctly marked as not to interfere with each other; and sufficient energy given to the whole, to support order and tranquility at home, honor and good faith with all nations with whom we were connected abroad.

Delegates