Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

probably suggested it, as he was in the habit of suffering no natural phenomena, however trivial in appearance, to escape him. He felt the advantage of this custom in being furnished on all occasions with a stock of homely illustrations, to which the daily experience of his hearers readily assented, and which he could shew to be identical in principle with the phenomena under discussion. That he was mistaken in applying his observations in the present instance cannot be urged against the incalculable value of such a habit.

"We may explain and render sensible these effects by the example of one of those barks which come continually from Lizza Fusina, with fresh water for the use of the city of Venice. Let us suppose one of these barks to come thence with moderate velocity along the canal, carrying gently the water with which it is filled, and then, either by touching the bottom, or from some other hindrance which is opposed to it, let it be notably retarded; the water will not on that account lose like the bark the impetus it has already acquired, but will forthwith run on towards the prow where it will sensibly rise, and be depressed at the stern. If on the contrary the said vessel in the middle of its steady course shall receive a new and sensible increase of velocity, the contained water before giving into it will persevere for some time in its slowness, and will be left behind that is to say towards the stern where consequently it will rise, and sink at the head.-Now, my masters, that which the vessel does in respect of the water contained in it, and that which the water does in respect of the vessel containing it, is the same to a hair as what the Mediterranean vase does in respect of the water which it contains, and that the waters do in respect of the Mediterranean vase which contains them. We have now only to demonstrate how, and in what manner it is true that the Mediterranean, and all other gulfs, and in short all the parts of the earth move with a motion sensibly not uniform, although no motion results thence to the whole globe which is not perfectly uniform and regular."

This unequable motion is derived from a combination of the earth's motion on her axis, and in her orbit, the consequence of which is that a point under the sun is carried in the same direction by the annual and diurnal velocities,

whereas a point on the opposite side of the globe is carried in opposite directions by the annual and diurnal motions, so that in every twenty-four hours the absolute motion through space of every point in the earth completes a cycle of varying swiftness. Those readers who are unacquainted with the mathematical theory of motion must be satisfied with the assurance that this specious representation is fallacious, and that the oscillation of the water does not in the least result from the causes here assigned to it: the reasoning necessary to prove this is not elementary enough to be introduced here with propriety.

Besides the principal daily oscillation of the water, there is a monthly inequality in the rise and fall, of which the extremes are called the spring and neap tides: the manner in which Galileo attempted to bring his theory to bear upon these phenomena is exceedingly curious.

"It is a natural and necessary truth, that if a body be made to revolve, the time of revolution will be greater in a greater circle than in a less: this is universally allowed, and fully confirmed by experiments, such for instance as these :-In wheel clocks, especially in large ones, to regulate the going, the workmen fit up a bar capable of revolving horizontally, and fasten two leaden weights to the ends of it; and if the clock goes too slow, by merely approaching these weights somewhat towards the centre of the bar, they make its vibrations more frequent, at which time they are moving in smaller circles than before*.—Or, if you fasten a weight to a cord which you pass round a pulley in the ceiling, and whilst the weight is vibrating draw in the cord towards you, the vibrations will become sensibly accelerated as the length of the string diminishes. We may observe the same rule to hold among the celestial motions of the planets, of which we have a ready instance in the Medicean planets, which revolve in such short periods round Jupiter. We may therefore safely conclude, that if the moon for instance shall continue to be forced round by the same moving power, and were to move in a smaller circle, it would shorten the time of its revolution. Now this very thing happens in fact to the moon, which I have just advanced on a supposition. Let us call

*See fig. 1. p. 96.

to mind that we have already concluded with Copernicus, that it is impossible to separate the moon from the earth, round which without doubt it moves in a month we must also remember that the globe of the earth, accompanied always by the moon, revolves in the great circle round the sun in a year, in which time the moon revolves round the earth about thirteen times, whence it follows that the moon is sometimes near the sun, that is to say between the earth and sun, sometimes far from it, when she is on the outside of the earth. Now if it be true that the power which moves the earth and the moon round the sun remains of the same efficacy, and if it be true that the same moveable, acted on by the same force, passes over similar arcs of circles in a time which is least when the circle is smallest, we are forced to the conclusion that at new moon, when in conjunction with the sun, the moon passes over greater arcs of the orbit round the sun, than when in opposition at full moon; and this inequality of the moon will be shared by the earth also. So that exactly the same thing happens as in the balance of the clocks; for the moon here represents the leaden weight, which at one time is fixed at a greater distance from the centre to make the vibrations slower, and at another time nearer to accelerate them."

Wallis adopted and improved this theory in a paper which he inserted in the Philosophical Transactions for 1666, in which he declares, that the circular motion round the sun should be considered as taking place at a point which is the centre of gravity of the earth and moon. "To the first objection, that it appears not how two bodies that have no tie can have one common centre of gravity, I shall only answer, that it is harder to show how they have it, than that they have it*." As Wallis was perfectly competent from the time at which he lived, and his knowledge of the farthest advances of science in his time, to appreciate the value of Galileo's writings, we shall conclude this chapter with the judgment that he has passed upon them in the same paper. Since Galileo, and after him Torricelli and others have applied mechanical principles to the solving of philosophical difficulties, natural philosophy is well known to have been rendered more intelligible, and to have

66

Phil. Trans., No. 16, August 1666.

made a much greater progress in less than a hundred years than before for many ages."

CHAPTER XV.

Galileo at Arcetri-Becomes BlindMoon's Libration - Publication of the Dialogues on Motion.

We have already alluded to the imperfect state of the knowledge possessed with regard to Galileo's domestic life and personal habits; there is reason however to think that unpublished materials exist from which these outlines might be in part filled up. Venturi informs us that he had seen in the collection from which he derived a great part of the substance of his Memoirs of Galileo, about one hundred and twenty manuscript letters, dated between the years 1623 and 1633, addressed to him by his daughter Maria, who with her sister had attached herself to the convent of St. Matthew, close to Galileo's usual place of residence. It is difficult not to think that much interesting information might be obtained from these, with respect to Galileo's domestic character. The very few published extracts confirm our favourable impressions of it, and convey a pleasing idea of this his favourite daughter. Even when, in her affectionate eagerness to soothe her father's wounded feelings at the close of his imprisonment in Rome, she dwells with delight upon her hopes of being allowed to relieve him, by taking on herself the penitential recitations which formed a part of his sentence, the prevalent feeling excited in every one by the perusal must surely be sympathy with the filial tenderness which it is impossible to misunderstand.

The joy she had anticipated in again meeting her parent, and in compensating to him by her attentive affection the insults of his malignant enemies, was destined to be but of short duration. Almost in the same month in which Galileo returned to Arcetri she was seized with a fatal illness; and already in the beginning of April, 1634, we learn her death from the fruitless condolence of his friends. He was deeply and bitterly affected by this additional blow, which came upon him when he was himself in a weak and declining state of health, and his answers breathe a spirit of the most hopeless and gloomy despondency.

In a letter written in April to Boc

chineri, his son's father-in-law, he says: "The hernia has returned worse than at first my pulse is intermitting, accompanied with a palpitation of the heart; an immeasurable sadness and melancholy; an entire loss of appetite; I am hateful to myself; and in short I feel that I am called incessantly by my dear daughter. In this state, I do not think it advisable that Vincenzo should set out on his journey, and leave me, when every hour something may occur, which would make it expedient that he should be here." In this extremity of ill health, Galileo requested leave to go to Florence for the advantage of medical assistance; but far from obtain ing permission, it was intimated that any additional importunities would be noticed by depriving him of the partial liberty he was then allowed to enjoy. After several years confinement at Arcetri, during the whole of which time he suffered from continuai indisposition, the inquisitor Fariano wrote to him in 1638, that the Pope permitted his removal to Florence, for the purpose of recovering his health; requiring him at the same time to present himself at the Office of the Inquisition, where he would learn the conditions on which this favour had been granted. These were that he should neither quit his house nor receive his friends there; and so closely was the letter of these instructions adhered to, that he was obliged to obtain a special permission to go out to attend mass during Passion week. The strictness with which all personal intercourse with his friends was interrupted, is manifest from the result of the following letter from the Duke of Tuscany's secretary of state to Nicolini, his ambassador at Rome. Signor Galileo Galilei, from his great age and the illnesses which afflict him, is in a condition soon to go to another world; and although in this the eternal memory of his fame and value is already secured, yet his Highness is greatly desirous that the world should sustain as little loss as possible by his death; that his labours may not perish, but for the public good may be brought to that perfection which he will not be able to give them. He has in his thoughts many things worthy of him, which he cannot be prevailed on to communicate to any but Father Benedetto Castelli, in whom he has entire confidence. His Highness wishes therefore that you should see Castelli, and induce him to procure leave

66

to come to Florence for a few months for this purpose, which his Highness has very much at heart; and if he obtains permission, as his Highness hopes, you will furnish him with money and every thing else he may require for his journey." Castelli, it will be remembered, was at this time salaried by the court of Rome. Nicolini answered that Castelli had been himself to the Pope to ask leave to go to Florence. Urban immediately intimated his suspicions that his design was to see Galileo, and upon Castelli's stating that certainly it would be impossible for him to refrain from attempting to see him, he received permission to visit him in the company of an officer of the Inquisition. At the end of some months Galileo was remanded to Arcetri, which he never again quitted.

In addition to his other infirmities, a disorder which some years before had affected the sight of his right eye returned in 1636; in the course of the ensuing year the other eye began to fail also, and in a few months he became totally blind. It would be difficult to find any even among those who are the most careless to make a proper use of the invaluable blessing of sight, who could bear unmoved to be deprived of it, but on Galileo the loss fell with peculiar and terrible severity; on him who had boasted that he would never cease from using the senses which God had given him, in declaring the glory of his works, and the business of whose life had been the splendid fulfilment of that undertaking. "The noblest eye is darkened," said Castelli, "which nature ever made: an eye so privileged, and gifted with such rare qualities, that it may with truth be said to have seen more than all of those who are gone, and to have opened the eyes of all who are to come.' His own patience and resignation under this fatal calamity are truly wonderful; and if occasionally a word of complaint escaped him, it was in the chastened tone of the following expressions--" Alas! your dear friend and servant Galileo has become totally and irreparably blind; so that this heaven, this earth, this universe, which with wonderful observations I had enlarged a hundred and thousand times beyond the belief of by-gone ages, henceforward for me is shrunk into the narrow space which I myself fill in it. So it pleases God: it shall therefore please me also." Hopes were at first enter

tained by Galileo's friends, that the blindness was occasioned by cataracts, and that he might look forward to relief from the operation of couching; but it very soon appeared that the disorder was not in the humours of the eye, but in a cloudiness of the cornea, the symptoms of which all external remedies failed to alleviate.

As long as the power was left him, he had indefatigably continued his astronomical observations. Just before his sight began to decay, he had observed a new phenomenon in the moon, which is now known by the name of the moon's libration, the nature of which we will shortly explain. A remarkable circumstance connected with the moon's motion is, that the same side is always visible from the earth, showing that the moon turns once on her own axis in exactly the time of her monthly revolution. But Galileo, who was by this time familiar with the whole of the moon's visible surface, observed that the above-mentioned effect does not accurately take place, but that a small part on either side comes alternately forward into sight, and then again recedes, according to the moon's various positions in the heavens. He was not long in detecting one of the causes of this apparent libratory or rocking motion. It is partly occasioned by our distance as spectators from the centre of the earth, which is also the centre of the moon's motion. In consequence of this, as the moon rises in the sky we get an additional view of the lower half, and lose sight of a small part of the upper half which was visible to us while we were looking down upon her when low in the horizon. The other cause is not quite so simple, nor is it so certain that Galileo adverted to it: it is however readily intelligible even to those who are unacquainted with astronomy, if they will receive as a fact that the monthly motion of the moon is not uniform, but that she moves quicker at one time than another, whilst the motion of rotation on her own axis, like that of the earth, is perfectly uniform. A very little reflection will show that the observed phenomenon

Frisi says that Galileo did not perceive this conclusion (Elogio del Galileo); but see The Dial, on the System, Dial. 1. pp. 61, 62, 85. Edit. 1744. Plutarch says, (De Placitis Philos. lib. i. c. 28,) that the Pythagoreans believed the moon to have inhabitants fifteen times as large as men, and that their day is fifteen times as long as ours. It seems probable, that the former of these opinions was engrafted on the latter, which is true, and implies a perception of the fact in the text.

will necessarily follow. If the moon did not turn on her axis, every side of her would be successively presented, in the course of a month, towards the earth; it is the motion of rotation which tends to carry the newly discovered parts out of sight.

Let us suppose the moon to be in that part of her orbit where she moves with her average motion, and that she is moving towards the part where she moves most quickly. If the motion in the orbit were to remain the same all the way round, the motion of rotation would be just sufficient at every point to bring round the same part of the moon directly in front of the earth. But since, from the supposed point, the moon is moving for some time round the earth with а motion continually growing quicker, the motion of rotation is not sufficiently quick to carry out of sight the entire part discovered by the motion of translation. We therefore get a glimpse of a narrow strip om the side from which the moon is moving, which strip grows broader and broader, till she passes the point where she moves most swiftly, and reaches the point of average swiftness on the opposite side of her orbit. Her motion is now continually growing slower, and therefore from this point the motion of rotation is too swift, and carries too much out of sight, or in other words, brings into sight a strip on the side towards which the moon is moving. This increases till she passes the point of least swiftness, and arrives at the point from which we began to trace her course, and the phenomena are repeated in the same order.

This interesting observation closes the long list of Galileo's discoveries in the heavens. After his abjuration, he ostensibly withdrew himself in a great measure from his astronomical pursuits, and employed himself till 1636 principally with his Dialogues on Motion, the last work of consequence that he published. In that year he entered into correspondence with the Elzevirs, through his friend Micanzio, on the project of printing a complete edition of his writings. Among the letters which Micanzio wrote on the subject is one intimating that he had enjoyed the gratification, in his quality of Theologian to the Republic of Venice, of refusing his sanction to a work written against Galileo and Copernicus. The temper however in which this refusal was an

nounced, contrasts singularly with that of the Roman Inquisitors. "A book was brought to me which a Veronese Capuchin has been writing, and wished to print, denying the motion of the earth. I was inclined to let it go, to make the world laugh, for the ignorant beast entitles every one of the twelve arguments which compose his book, An irrefragable and undeniable demonstration,' and then adduces nothing but such childish trash as every man of sense has long discarded. For instance, this poor animal understands so much geometry and mathematics, that he brings forward as a demonstration, that if the earth could move, having nothing to support it, it must necessarily fall. He ought to have added that then we should catch all the quails. But when I saw that he speaks indecently of you, and has had the impudence to put down an account of what passed lately, saying that he is in possession of the whole of your process and sentence, I desired the man who brought it to me to go and be hanged. But you know the ingenuity of impertinence; I suspect he will succeed elsewhere, because he is so enamoured of his absurdities, that he believes them more firmly than his Bible."

After Galileo's condemnation at Rome, he had been placed by the Inquisition in the list of authors the whole of whose writings, 'edita et edenda,' were strictly forbidden. Micanzio could not even obtain permission to reprint the Essay on Floating Bodies, in spite of his protestations that it did not in any way relate to the Copernican theory. This was the greatest stigma with which the Inquisition were in the habit of branding obnoxious authors; and, in consequence of it, when Galileo had completed his Dialogues on Motion, he found great difficulty in contriving their publication, the nature of which may be learned from the account which Pieroni sent to Galileo of his endeavours to print them in Germany. He first took the manuscript to Vienna, but found that every book printed there must receive the approbation of the Jesuits; and Galileo's old antagonist, Scheiner, happening to be in that city, Pieroni feared lest he should interfere to prevent the publication altogether, if the knowledge of it should reach him. Through the intervention of Cardinal Dietrichstein, he therefore got permission to have it printed at Ölmutz, and that it should be approved by a Dominican, so as to

keep the whole business a secret from Scheiner and his party; but during this negociation the Cardinal suddenly died, and Pieroni being besides dissatisfied with the Olmutz type, carried back the manuscript to Vienna, from which he heard that Scheiner had gone into Silesia. A new approbation was there procured, and the work was just on the point of being sent to press, when the dreaded Scheiner re-appeared in Vienna, on which Pieroni again thought it advisable to suspend the impression till his departure. In the mean time his own duty as a military architect in the Emperor's service carried him to Prague, where Cardinal Harrach, on a former occasion, had offered him the use of the newly-erected University press. But Harrach happened not to be at Prague, and this plan like the rest became abortive. In the meantime Galileo, wearied with these delays, had engaged with Louis Elzevir, who undertook to print the Dialogues at Amsterdam.

It is abundantly evident from Galileo's correspondence that this edition was printed with his full concurrence, although, in order to obviate further annoyance, he pretended that it was pirated from a manuscript copy which he sent into France to the Comte de Noailles, to whom the work is dedicated. The same dissimulation had been previously thought necessary, on occasion of the Latin translation of "The Dialogues on the System," by Bernegger, which Galileo expressly requested through his friend Deodati, and of which he more than once privately signified his approbation, presenting the translator with a valuable telescope, although he publicly protested against its appearance. The story which Bernegger introduced in his preface, tending to exculpate Galileo from any share in the publication, is by his own confession a mere fiction. Noailles had been ambassador at Rome, and, by his conduct there, well deserved the compliment which Galileo paid him on the present occasion.

As an introduction to the account of this work, which Galileo considered the best he had ever produced, it will become necessary to premise a slight sketch of the nature of the mechanical philosophy which he found prevailing, nearly as it had been delivered by Aristotle, with the same view with which we introduced specimens of the astronomical opinions current when Galileo began to write on that subject: they serve to show the nature

« AnteriorContinuar »