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Salv. I would give something to have a word or two with this person, to ask him whether, when this globe vanished, it also carried away the common centre of gravity, as I fancy it did, in which case I take it that the hail and water would remain stupid and confounded amongst the clouds, without knowing what to do with themselves. . . . And lastly, that I may give this philosopher a less equivocal answer, I tell him that I know as much of what would follow after the annihilation of the terrestrial globe, as he could have known what was about to happen in and about it, before it was created."

Great part of the third Dialogue is taken up with discussions on the parallax of the new stars of 1572 and 1604, in which Delambre notices that Galileo does not employ logarithms in.his calculations, although their use had been known since Napier discovered them in 1616 : the dialogue then turns to the annual motion "first taken from the Sun and conferred upon the Earth by Aristarchus Samius, and afterwards by Copernicus.'' Salviati speaks of his contemporary philosophers with great contempt—" If you had everbeen worn out as I have been many and many a time with hearing what sort of stuff is sufficient to make the obstinate vulgar unpersuadable, I do not say to agree with, but even to listen to these novelties, I believe your wonder at finding so few followers of these opinions would greatly fall off. But little regard in my judgment is to be had of those understandings who are convinced and immoveably persuaded of the fixedness of the earth, by seeing that they are not able to breakfast this morning at Constantinople, and sup in the evening in Japan, and who feel satisfied that the earth, so heavy as it is, cannot climb up above the sun, and then come tumbling in a breakneck fashion down again!" * This remark serves to introduce several specious arguments against the annual motion of the earth, which are successively confuted, and it is shewn how readily the apparent stations and retrogradations of the planets are accounted for on this supposition.

• The notions commonly entertained of ' up' and • down.' as connected with the observer's own situation, had long been a stumbling-block in the way of the new doctrines. When Columbus held out the certainty of arriving in India by sailing to the westward on account of the earth's roundness, it was gravely objected, that it might be well enough to sail down to India, but that the chief difficulty would consist in climbing up back again.

The following is one of the frequently recurring passages in which Galileo, whilst arguing in favour of the enormous distances at which the theory of Copernicus necessarily placed the fixed stars, inveighs against the arrogance with which men pretend to judge of matters removed above their comprehension. "Simpl. All this is very well, and it is not to be denied that the heavens may surpass in bigness the capacity of our imaginations, as also that God might have created it yet a thousand times! larger than it really is, but we ought not to admit anything to be created in vain, and useless in the universe. Now whilst we see this beautiful arrangement of the planets, disposed round the earth at distances proportioned to the effects they are to produce on us for our benefit, to what purpose should a vast vacancy be afterwards interposed between the orbit of Saturn and the starry spheres, containing not a single star, and altogether useless and unprofitable? to what end? for whose use and advantage ?—Salv. Methinks we arrogate too much to ourselves, Simphcio, when we will have it that the care of us alone is the adequate and sufficient work and bound, beyond which the divine wisdom and power does and disposes of nothing. I feel confident that nothing is omitted by the Divine Providence of what concerns the government of human affairs; but that there may not be other things in the universe dependant upon His supreme wisdom, I cannot for myself, by what my reason holds out to me, bring myself to believe. So that when I am told of the uselessness of an immense space interposed between the orbits of the planets and the fixed stars, empty and valueless, I reply that there is temerity in attempting by feeble reason to judge the works of God, and in calling vain and superfluous every part of the universe which is of no use to us.—Sagr. Say rather, and I believe you would say better, that we have no means of knowing what is of use to us; and I hold it to be one of the greatest pieces of arrogance and folly that can be in this world to say, because I know not of what use Jupiter or Saturn are to me, that therefore these planets are superfluous; nay more, that there are no such things in nature. To understand what effect is worked upon us by this or that heavenly body (since you will have it that all their use must have a reference to us), it would be necessary to remove it for a while, and then the effect which I find no longer produced in me, I may say that it depended upon that star. Besides, who will dare say that the space which they call too vast and useless between Saturn and the fixed stars is void of other bodies belonging to the universe. Must it be so because we do not see them: then I suppose the four Medicean planets, and the companions of Saturn, came into the heavens when we first began to see them, and not before! and, by the same rule, the other innumerable fixed stars did not exist before men saw them. The nebulae were till lately only white flakes, till with the telescope we have made of them constellations of bright and beautiful stars. Oh presumptuous! rather, Oh rash ignorance of man!"


After a discussion on Gilbert's Theory of Terrestrial Magnetism, introduced by the parallelism of the earth's axis, and of which Galileo praises very highly both the method and results, the dialogue proceeds as follows:—" Simpl. It appears to me that Sig. Salviati, with a fine circumlocution, has so clearly explained the cause of these effects, that any common understanding, even though unacquainted with science, may comprehend it: but we, confining ourselves to the terms of art, reduce the cause of these and other similar natural phenomena to sympathy, which is a certain agreement and mutual appetency arising between things which have the same qualities, just as, on the other hand, that disagreement and aversion, with which other things naturally repel and abhor each other, we style antipathy.—Sagr. And thus with these two words they are able to give a reason for the great number of effects and accidents which we see, not without admiration, to be produced in Nature. But it strikes me that this mode of philosophising has a great sympathy with the style in which one of my friends used to paint: on one part of the canvas he would write with chalk—there I will have a fountain.with Diana and her nymphs ; here some harriers ; in this corner I will have a huntsman, with a stag's head; the rest may be a landscape of wood and mountain; and what remains to be done may be put in by the colourman: and thus he flattered himself that he had painted the story of Actaeon, having contributed nothing to it beyond the names."

The fourth Dialogue is devoted entirely to an examination of the tides, and

is a development and extension of the treatise already mentioned to have been sent to the Archduke Leopold, in 1618*. Galileo was uncommonly partial to his theory of the tides, from which he thought to derive a direct proof of the earth's motion in her orbit; and although his theory was erroneous, it required a farther advance in the science of motion than had been attained even at a much later period to point out the insufficiency of it. It is well known that the problem of explaining the cause of this alternate motion of the waters had been considered from the earliest ages one of the most difficult that could be proposed, and the solutions with which different inquirers were obliged to rest contented, shew that it long deserved the name given to it, of " the grave of human curiosity*." Riccioli has enumerated several of the opinions which in turn had their favourers and supporters. One party supposed the rise of the waters to be occasioned by the influx of rivers into the sea; others compared the earth-to a large animal, of which the tides indicated the respiration; a third theory supposed the existence of subterraneous fires, by which the sea was periodically made to boil; others attributed the cause of a similar change of temperature to the sun and moon.

There is an unfounded legend, that Aristotle drowned himself in despair of being able to invent a plausible explanation of the extraordinary tides in the Euripus. His curiosity on the subject does not appear to have been so acute (judging from his writings) as this story would imply. In one of his books he merely mentions a rumour, that there are great elevations or swellings of the seas, which recur periodically, according to the course of the moon. Lalande, in the fourth volume of his Astronomy, has given an interesting account of the opinion of the connection of the tides with the moon's motion. Pytheas of Marseilles, a contemporary of Aristotle, was the first who has been recorded as observing, that the full tides occur at full moon, and the ebbs at new mount. This is not quite correctly stated; for the tide of new moon is known to be still higher than the rise at the full, but it is likely enough, that the seeming inaccuracy should be attributed, not to

• See page 50. f Riccioli Alraug. Nov.

$ Plutarch. Dc placit. rhilos. lib. iii. c. 17.

Pytheas, but to his biographer Plutarch, who, in many instances, appears to have viewed the opinions of the old philosophers through the mist of his own prejudices and imperfect information. The fact is, that, on the same day when the tide rises highest, it also ebbslowest; and Pytheas, who, according to Pliny, had recorded ft tide in Britain of eighty cubits, could not have been ignorant of this. Posidonius, as quoted by Strabo, maintained the existence of three periods of the tide, daily, monthly, and annual, " in sympathy with the moon." * Pliny, in his vast collection of natural observations, not unaptly styled the Encyclopaedia of theAntients, has the following curious passages :— "The flow and ebb of the tide is very wonderful; it happens in a variety of ways, but the cause is in the sun and moons." He then very accurately describes the course of the tide durmg a revolution of the moon, and adds: "The flow takes place every day at a different hour; being waited on by the star, which rises every day in a different place from that of the day before, and with greedy draught drags the seas with it$." "When the moon is in the north, and further removed from the earth, the tides are more gentle than when digressing to the south, she exerts her force with a closer effort}."

The College of Jesuits at Coimbra appears to deserve the credit of first clearly pointing out the true relation between the tides and the moon, which was also maintained a few years later by Antonio de Dominis and Kepler. In the Society's commentary on Aristotle's book on Meteors, after refuting the notion that the tides are caused by the light of the sun and moon, they say, " It appears more probable to us, without any rarefaction, of which there appears no need or indication, that His moon raises the waters by some inherent power of impulsion, in the same manner as a magnet moves iron; and according to its different aspects and approaches to the sea, and the obtuse or acute angles of its bearing, at one time to attract and raise the waters along the shore, and then again to leave them to sink down by their own weight, and

* trufix.ufaaif T»t nAirnf. Qsographiv, lib. iii.

+ HUloria Naturalist, lib. ii. c. 9/.

% Vt ancillanle sidere, trahenteque se?um arido haus'u mariH,

§_Eadtfm AquiloDiA, et a terns longias reccdenle, mitiores imam ram. in Austroa digress£, prupiore nisarim suam extract,

to gather into a lower level.''" The theory of Universal Gravitation seems here within the grasp of these philosophers, but unfortunately it did not occur to them that possibly the same attraction might be exerted on the earth as well as the water, and that the tide was merely an effect of the diminution of force, owing to the increase of distance, with which the centre of the earth, is attracted, as compared with that exerted on its surface. This idea, so happily seized afterwards by Newton, might at once have furnished them with a satisfactory explanation of the tide,, which is observed on the opposite side of the earth as well as immediately under the moon. They might have seen that in the latter case the centre of the earth is pulled away from the water, just as in the former the water is pulled away from the centre of the earth, the sensible effect to us being in both cases precisely the same. For want of this generalization, the inferior tide as it is called presented a formidable obstacle to this theory, and the most plausible explanation that was given was, that this magnetic virtue radiated out from the moon was reflected by the solid heavens, and concentrated again as in a focus on the opposite side of the earth. The majority of modern astronomers who did not admit the existence of any solid matter fit for producing the effect assigned to it, found a reasonable difficulty in acquiescing in this explanation. Galileo, who mentions the Archbishop of Spalatro's book, treated the theory of attraction by the moon as absurd. "This motion of the seas is local and sensible, made in an immense mass of water, and cannot be brought to obey light, and warmth, and predominancy of occult qualities, and such like vain fancies; all which are so far from being the cause of the tide, that on the contrary the tide is the cause of them, inasmuch as it gives rise to these ideas in brains which are more apt for talkativeness and ostentation, than for speculation and inquiry into the secrets of Nature; who, rather than see themselves driven to pronounce these wise, ingenuous, and modest words—I do not know,—will blurt out from their tongues and pens all sorts of extravagancies."

Galileo's own theory is introduced by the following illustration, which indeed


probably suggested it, as he was in the habit of suffering no natural phenomena, however trivial in appearance, to escape him. He felt the advantage of this custom in being furnished on all occasions with a stock of homely illustrations, to which the daily experience of his hearers readily assented, and which he could shew to be identical in principle with the phenomena under discussion. That he was mistaken in applying his observations in the present instance cannot be urged against the incalculable value of such a habit.

"We may explain and render sensible these effects by the example of one of those barks which cume contmually from Lizza Fusina, with fresh water for the use of the city of Venice. Let us suppose one of these barks to come thence with moderate velocity along the canal, carrymg gently the water with which it is filled, and then, either by touching the bottom, or from some other hindrance which is opposed to it, let it be notably retarded; the water will not on that account lose like the bark the impetus it has already acquired, but will forthwith run on towards the prow where it will sensibly rise, and be depressed at the stern. If on the contrary the said vessel in the middle of its steady course shall receive a new and sensible increase of velocity, the contained water before giving into it will persevere for some time in its slowness, and will be left behind that is to say towards the stern where consequently it will rise, and sink at the head.—Now, my masters, that which the vessel does in respect of the water contained in it, and that which the water does in respect of the vessel containing it, is the same to a hair as what the Mediterranean vase does in respect of the water which it contains, and that the waters do in respect of the Mediterranean vase which contains them. We have now only to demonstrate how, and in what manner it is true that the Mediterranean, and all other gulfs, and in short all the parts of the earth move with a motion sensibly not uniform, although no motion results thence to the whole globe which is not perfectly uniform and regular."

This unequable motion is derived from a combination of the earth's motion on her axis, and in her orbit, the consequence of which is that a point under the sun is carried in the same direction by the annual and diurnal velocities,

whereas a point on the opposite side of the globe is carried in opposite directions by the annual and diurnal motions, so that in every twenty-four hours the absolute motion through space of every point in the earth completes a cycle of varying swiftness. Those readers who are unacquainted with the mathematical theory of motion must be satisfied with the assurance that this specious representation is fallacious, and that the oscillation of the water does not in the least result from the causes here assigned to it: the reasoning necessary to prove this is not elementary enough to be introduced here with propriety.

Besides the principal daily oscillation of the water, there is a monthly inequality in the rise and fall, of which the extremes are called the spring and neap tides: the manner in which Galileo attempted to bring his theory to bear upon these phenomena is exceedingly curious.

"It is a natural and necessary truth, that if a body be made to revolve, the time of revolution will be greater in a greater circle than in a less: this is universally allowed, and fully confirmed by experiments, such for instance as these :—In wheel clocks, especially in large ones, to regulate the going, the workmen fit up a bar capable of revolving horizontally, and fasten two leaden weights to the ends of it; and if the clock goes too slow, by merely approaching these weights somewhat towards the centre, of the bar, they make its vibrations more frequent, at which time they are moving in smaller circles than before*.—Or, if you fasten a weight to a cord which you pass round a pulley in the ceiling, and whilst the weight is vibrating draw in the cord towards you, the vibrations will become sensibly accelerated as the length of the string diminishes. We may observe the same rule to hold among the celestial motions of the planets, of which we have a ready instance in the Medicean planets, which revolve in such short periods round Jupiter. We may therefore safely conclude, that if the moon for instance shall continue to be forced round by the same moving power, and were to move in a smaller circle, it would shorten the time of its revolution. Now this very thing happens in fact to the moon, which I have just advanced on a supposition. Let us call

« See fig. 1. p. 96.


to mind that we have already concluded with Copernicus, that it is impossible to separate the moon from the earth, round which without doubt it moves in a month: we must also remember that the globe of the earth, accompanied always by the moon, revolves in the great circle round the sun in a year, in which time the moon revolves round the earth about thirteen times, whence it follows that the moon is sometimes near the sun, that is to say between the earth and sun, sometimes far from it, when she is on the outside of the earth. Now if it be true that the power which moves the earth and the moon round the sun remains of the same efficacy, and if it be true that the same moveable, acted on by the same force, passes over similar arcs of circles in a time which is least when the circle is smallest, we are forced to the conclusion that at new moon, when in conjunction with the sun, the moon passes over greater arcs of the orbit round the sun, than when in opposition at full moon; and this inequality of the moon will be shared by the earth also. So that exactly the same thing happens as in the balance of the clocks; for the moon here represents the leaden weight, which at one time is fixed at a greater distance from the centre to make the vibrations slower, and at another time nearer to accelerate them."

Wallis adopted and improved this theory in a paper which he inserted in the Philosophical Transactions for 1666, in which he declares, that the circular motion round the sun should be considered as taking place at a point which is the centre of gravity of the earth and moon. *' To the first objection, that it appears not how two bodies that have no tie can have one common centre of gravity, I shall only answer, that it is harder to show how they have it, than that they have it*." As Wallis was perfectly competent from the time at which he lived, and his knowledge of the farthest advances of science in his time, to appreciate the value of Galileo's writings, we shall conclude this chapter with the judgment that he has passed upon them in the same paper. "Since Galileo, and after him Torricelli and others have applied mechanical principles to the solving of philosophical difficulties, natural philosophy is well known to have been rendered more intelligible, and to have

• Phil. Trfiifc, No. 16, Auptit 1006.

made a much greater progress in less than a hundred years than before for many ages."

Chapter XV.

Galileo at ArcctriBecomes BlindMoon's Libnttion Publication of the Dialogues on Motion.

We have already alluded to the imperfect state of the knowledge possessed with regard to Galileo's domestic life and personal habits; there is reason however to think that unpublished materials exist from which these outlines might be in part filled up. Venturi informs us that he had seen in the collection from which he derived a great part of the substance of his Memoirs of Galileo, about one hundred and twenty manuscript letters, dated between the years 1623 and 1633, addressed to him by his daughter Maria, who with her sister had attached herself to the convent of St. Matthew, close to Galileo's usual place of residence. It is difficult not to think that much interesting information might be obtained from these, with respect to Galileo's domestic character. The very few published extracts confirm our favourable impressions of it, and convey a pleasing idea of this his favourite daughter. Even when, in her affectionate eagerness to soothe her father's wounded feelings at the close of his imprisonment in Rome, she dwells with delight upon her hopes of being allowed to relieve him, by taking on herself the penitential recitations which formed a part of his sentence, the prevalent feeling excited in every one by the perusal must surely be sympathy with the filial tenderness which it is impossible to misunderstand.

The joy she had anticipated in again meeting her parent, and in compensating to him by her attentive affection the insults of his malignant enemies, was destined to be but of short duration. Almost in the same month in which Galileo returned | to Arcetri she was seized with a fatal illness; and already in the beginning of April, 1634, we learn her death from the fruitless condolence of his friends. He was deeply and bitterly affected by this additional blow, which came upon him when he was himself in a weak and declining state of health, and his answers breathe a spirit of the most hopeless and gloomy despondency,

la fl letter written in April to Boc

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