caped my observation, and requested me to open it. Had we been suddenly transported by the magic carpet to fairy ground, our delight could scarcely have been exceeded, such a contrast did it afford to the flinty sides of the mountain, crested by her little colony. We found ourselves in a garden of great comparative extent, and artistically planned; formed of mould brought from a distance at great labor and expense. The designs were all her own. stopped at a tent which she advised She Bartlett to sketch; it was trellis-work covered with odoriferous flowers, and within a luxurious divan. She now led us through a long rustic arbor to a stately summer-house which she dwelt on with evident pride; the vistas, terraces and fountains, all were tasteful and original. From the garden she pointed out the tour she wished us to take on the morrow, offering the unqualified freedom of her house "to go and come, or make our home at, and no botheration if we wished to be private." She asked who had been my travelling companions. The name of a distinguished Scotch family was mentioned. She interrupted with warmth, "I'll warrant he is the flower of the flock." Travellers seldom see her by daylight. She usually sits with her visiters from six in the evening till two in the morning. This evening we were as thick as pickpockets. She gave reminiscences of her early history, savoring somewhat of the marvellous : "She was born to be a warrior. She had always detested England, and was determined to leave it at eight years of age. About that time was her first attempt to run away. She got on board a boat, which, when her parents got wind of, was pursued by fifty others; when overtaken, she jumped into the water and was taken out by two oars crossed catching her neck like a pair of scissors. A short time afterwards she climbed up into an old tower, where her only amusement was a number of little pewter soldiers, whom she carried through evolutions. Hunger obliged her to descend after two days." As a narrator she is inimitable, and always her own heroine : formed some meritorious exploit, and when asked what reward he wished, his only demand was that Mr. Pitt should dine on board of his vessel. All things were arranged, but the King sent for Mr. Pitt at the very moment he was going to dine; my uncle asked me to represent company, for except the lords and ladies him. Thus it was that I got into such I contrived to take with me, all present very sensible men, but when that opewere cits. Before eating they appeared so novel that I did not eat myself from ration commenced, the exhibition was amazement. quantity of turtle soup, which would have One man near me eat a sufficed for a dinner for four men. He unbuttoned his coat, then his waistcoat; he had two spoons, which he kept agoing with the exactness and rapidity of machinery. Then came venison. An account of what he eat would be perfectly incrediof wine all to himself; he would lean down, put his mouth to the bottle, and guzzle for a minute at a time. He never looked off his plate, or spoke a word, or drank wine with anybody." ble. Under the table he had two bottles She gave ludicrous imitations with the vivacity of a girl. While sitting there was no appearance of debility. She loved to ring the changes on her grandfather as the champion of America. She had no patience with Canning, he was artificial, deceitful and selfish; when out of office abusing those to Mr. Pitt with whom he agreed wonderfully when he came into the cabinet. Her father used to say that she thought more in five minutes than the rest of the world in five years. He had a library of fifty thousand that history was all trash and nonsense. volumes, which he locked up, saying "Now take, if you please, the history of Alexander. They say he was the son of Philip, when in fact he was the son of a priest of the temple of Jupiter. All his battles are fictions; a necessary consequence of his biographers being his own retainers and parasites. I am acquainted with history from a much better source. writes; her sight has suffered from She never reads now, and seldom illness. five; perhaps my looks seemed to say, She stated her age at fiftymore or less, for she attempted to prove she was no older, by appealing to historical facts. She had the plague for thirty-two "A captain of a man-of-war had per- days. She described her sufferings by 1843.] Lady Hester Stanhope. supposing a hook drawn up and down Another man thought himself the She professed to tell my character. you cannot deceive me, I knew your Several parts of her wall and many of her buildings are in a tumble-down condition, said to be partly the effects of slight earthquakes; but the whole forms a picturesque coup-d'œil, animated by jovial parties of Albanians, in their snowy camese and silver mounted arms, either caroling their native airs through the neighboring woods, or seated at cards, or puffing the chibouck as if grouped by the hand of an artist. Lady Hester had received all the Albanians who chose to seek her protection at the reduction of St. Jean d'Acre by Ibrahim Pacha. She merely supplied their wants, and frequently balanced the expediency of sending them home by ship from Beyroot, but they were happy to remain, and she to maintain them in silent treaty of mutual protection. Truly their lines had fallen to them in pleasant places, if we compare them with their filth-covered brethren at home. She repudiates, however, the idea of personal insecurity. She had passed the desert to Palmyra, mounted and armed as a warrior; the sons of Ishmael, so fatal to the traveller, gave her their unasked escort and hailed her Queen of Palmyra. Except the merchants of Beyroot, who have bought her protested drafts, all love her, Druses and Franks, Arabs and Maronites; even the cruelty and insolence of Ibrahim Pacha, though she bids him defiance by giving shelter to his enemies, has never dared to invade the sanctity which oriental superstition attaches to an unsettled brain, or to question the impunity which Syrian usage accords to a female. She resorted to every art to induce us to stay; she had her horse to show us, on condition we stayed one day longer, but our party had been doing penance some days at Beyroot. Adieus exchanged-with allusion to the grand gathering. We found Antonio gloating over the bottles of wine, cheese and choice fruits with which her servants were storing our baggagemule; with the resolution of martyrs, they rejected our proffered piastres, but with a casuistry not peculiar to Syria, each one unseen by his fellows, suffered 'quelque compliments' to be slid into his pockets with ill-disguised satisfaction. THE ISSUE AT STAKE. THERE is at least one satisfaction in the present position of our national politics, for which, in its contrast with the state of things existing at the time of the last great contest of parties, we are duly grateful, whatever may be the result yet veiled within the bosom of the future. We refer to the distinctness of the general issue on which we are about to go to trial-to go before "the country," in the good old phrase of the institution of the Jury. We have at least that light of open day for which the Grecian hero prayed. We have a fair field, and we ask no favor. All that we have to do, and do it we will, is our duty there; nor fear to trust the event to that higher and better wisdom than human forethought, of whose purposes all of us, with all our infinite variety of purposes and points of departure, are but the unconscious instruments. "Fais ce que dois, advienne que pourra!" is the noble motto of a noble house, which be it also ours to adopt and obey; and whether we return with our shields or upon them, from the great battle of the day whose dawn now illumines the plain, let us at least secure the consolation of the French King at Pavia, and preserve our honor, even if nothing else. Away with all simulations or dissimulations in this matter! With full due respect for the prudential counsels of those friends who have deemed the tone of our last article, on "the Baltimore Convention," unwisely discouraging to our friends and cheering to our foes, we shall still speak out to both, with small care for small consequences, the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth-or at least what we honestly believe to be such. If we think that we-that is, our Party and our Principles-are in a position of very momentous peril, we shall still beg, or rather take leave, to say so; and to say so in such frank fashion of phrase as shall seem most direct and effective for the object we have in view, namely to dispel the danger by disclosing it,-in the Irish baronet's style, to get out of its way by meeting it straight in the face. There is indeed no doubt that the Democratic Cause is in this position. All the further developments of evidence since those on which we before urged the point combine to confirm it. Great efforts-perhaps great sacrifices are necessary for its safety; and as it is for so great an object, surely there can none be found among us so unworthy of all their professions of principle as to be unwilling to make themeven though some of those necessary sacrifices should prove to be of great men,-of them perchance, and perchance by them. The Whigs are in admirable condition for the coming engagement-in strong force, strongly organized-eager in hope, bold in confidence, zealous in enthusiasm-abounding in all the ways and means of preparation, and harmonized to the most efficient degree of combined and concentrated unity of action. This time four years ago we despised them as an enemy; it is now not to be dissembled that they are very seriously to be dreaded. To be dreaded, indeed-no one will suppose us to mean with any of that unmanly fear which shrinks from the shock of conflict, or is either paralyzed into inactivity or agitated into confusion-but with that intelligent and courageous appreciation of the whole impartial truth, which not underrates danger, but examines it coolly and closely, to derive from it only redoubled incentive to that energy in exertion, and that wise skill in preparation, indispensable to triumph over it. For ourselves, on the other hand, it is not to be denied that we are this fall in a moral condition, as a party, entirely unfit for the formidable encounter now so nigh at hand. We are, comparatively, as the crew of the Chesapeake when she went into her ill-starred action with the Shannon-let us not disregard the warning of the example. The fatal influence of the dissensions now distracting us dissensions about men and not about measures, about 1843.] The Issue at Stake. persons and not about principles- But our pen has led us somewhat really any relief to be found, in all the the last and worst Mars, to pass in review before the shadow of a little man in a grey surtout and three-cornered hat. The great Gold Spoon has been melted down, and is supposed to be flowing up the Mississippi. The Bankrupts, honest and dishonest, have been "relieved," and the moment the whole immorality of the act had been consummated in its retrospective application, the benefit which would have attended its prospective action was hastily shut off. And the fallacy has been fully proved, of all the expectations of a possible reconstruction of the ruin of the old Credit System, which was to be wrought in some inexplicable way by the proposed change of administration. Mr. Webster himself has set down a national bank as an "obsolete idea;" and even at the time when its adoption was urged on the Vice President, who signed all the other bills of his party, and who at first quarrelled with them only on trifling points of detail in this measure, it was very generally conceded that it would not have been possible to get its stock subscribed, so as to carry it into execution. The issue between the two parties is now, therefore, cleared of all the entanglements and perplexities in which it was involved by these and various other questions which were complicated into it the last time. This election is to be, more than any which the country has witnessed for a long period, one of general principle. The State-Rights and the Federal parties-the two opposite schools of limited and latitudinarian construction-are now to meet in a more simple and direct antagonism than perhaps ever before since 1800. Of the one, Mr. Clay is as complete a representative as could be desired; the other finds its expression satisfactorily in either of the prominent candidates for the Democratic nomination. The country is in a condition of calm, suitable to an intelligent and reflecting choice between the two. If it should be in favor of Clay and all that is included in the name of Clayism, then can there be no pretension that it is not a deliberate and conclusive judgment, and that it does not go the full length of the formal adoption of a complete system of principles and corresponding measures an allegation which could not be made with truth, though it was by Mr. Clay himself without a visible blush, respecting the election of Harrison and Tyler, the one a Nondescript and the other a Nullifier. If it should be in favor of Clay, then was it all in vain that the struggles were made which expelled both the elder and the younger Adams from the direction of the government,-all in vain that by which General Jackson, in his re-election, was so gloriously sustained in the policy of which his great Internal Improvement and Bank vetoes were the chief measures. If it should be in favor of Clay, then will the perpetuation of the Constitution, and of the Union of which it is the expression, have received a deeper and a deadlier wound than has ever been dealt upon it before. For it will be the formal, not to say, final, repudiation of the State-Rights Principle as the governing rule of interpretation for the Constitution. It will be to pronounce solemnly that whole policy at an end; to declare the country tired of it, and anxious to fall back into the old abandoned track of its opposite. It will be that which the triumph of the Whigs in 1840 was not, for they did not then dare to venture on such an issue, nor to avow Clay as the exponent of their principles and meditated measures. The day of such an event would be, indeed, the darkest that has ever yet shrouded the country with mourning for public calamity-for it is the firmest conviction among all our political ideas, that the State-Rights Principle is the vital principle of the Constitution and of the Union, and injury to the one cannot fail speedily to sap the foundations of the very existence of the other. Why, look only at the fact disclosed by the six decennial censuses that have taken place since the adoption of the Constitution-namely, the increase of our population at the rate of upward of 33 per cent. within every period of ten years. What is there to arrest or to retard this ratio? Nothing, so long as, not only within the borders of the older States are to be found large tracts of unoccupied land, but westward, southward, and northward, stretch such vast regions inviting the subjugation of the settler. The time is yet too far remote at which the crowding of population within territorial limits, accompanied by a Malthusian pressure of numbers upon the means of subsistence, can be felt among us, to check the rapi |