that Mr. Jones who has lived among them for twenty years, deals, describing their customs and manner of life.

The Thlingets are still living in a tribal state though their tribal organization is being affected by the white occupation of their land. The natives are divided into two main totemic divisions or phratries, the Eagle and the Crow, which in turn are divided into numerous sub-totems. Marriage is forbidden within the phratry, but an attempt is made to marry son or daughter to a near relative on the father's side. The levirate custom also prevails of marrying a man's widow to his brother, even if he already has a wife and children. Another of the marriage customs is that of confining young girls as they are approaching womanhood in some cramped coop-like place for from four months to a year, and from which they generally emerge only to marry.

Descent is reckoned in the maternal line. The leaders of the tribal divisions are the shaman and the chief, whose offices may be either elective or hereditary. There is no federation among communities except for the tribal bond and tribal feuds are of common occurrence. The caste system prevails with originally four castes, the high, medium, low, and the slaves; but slavery has ceased to exist and the lowest caste has practically disappeared. The native customs are being rapidly modified by the opening up of the country to civilization.

Egypt in Transition. By SIDNEY Low. New York: Macmillan. 1914. Pp. xxiv, 316.

Mr. Low writes from an Englishman's point of view, whose principal interest is in the British occupation of Egypt and the Sudan, and the story he has to tell is one of which England may well be proud. The most interesting chapters are those dealing with the Sudan, perhaps because less is known of that great empire which England has added to her dominion and because there the English administrative ability is shown at its best. Her spirit of compromise shows itself in the working of an absolutely unworkable system, for in the Sudan there has been established an Anglo-Egyptian state with theoretically equal powers reserved to both nations. Practically this vast realm, larger than Great Britain, France, Germany, and Austria together, is ruled by a handful of picked young Britons, men who at twenty-five or thirty are given a province to rule and at forty make way for a fresh supply of youngsters. Two small facts indicate the secret of England's ability to get along with her dependent races. In

the Sudan, the official holiday, following Mohammedan customs, is Friday, not Sunday, and commands given by English officers to their Arabian troops are in Turkish, the official language of the state.

The cities of the Sudan are being planned for future greatness; Khartum, which had to be built again from its foundations, and Port Sudan, which eight years ago was not marked on the map and which has already been established as a great commercial emporium and port of call for this region. The Sudanese government, whether it approves of the theory or not, is working out in practice some interesting experiments in state socialism. It builds and runs its railways, tramways and boats of all descriptions, manages its own water supply and electric lighting systems. In addition, the government owns a great deal of land and, fearing a land boom with its resultant collapse, has refused to sell its land but rents it on short-time leases. Whether that is a wise thing to do is still a question, for it discourages the coming in of capital which is needed in the development of the country's resources. Labor is also needed to increase the population decimated by the recent wars. A moderate estimate gives a decrease of seventy per cent in the population and this enormous gap Mr. Low proposes to fill by the importation of Indian Mohammedans.

An interesting introduction by Lord Cromer discusses the necessity of abolishing the Capitulations in Egypt. While he would not place foreigners under the jurisdiction of the same courts as the natives, he would substitute some form of justice which should be more under the control and regulation of the Egyptian government. The question of Capitulations is one that the present war will probably solve.

Rasse und Volk. By ALBRECHT WIRTH. Halle a. S. Niemayer: 1914. Pp. vi, 353.

This book written just before the outbreak of the war is a glorification of that new spirit of nationalism, which animates Germany and to a less extent the rest of the world and the results of which are to be seen on the battlefields of Europe today. Just how strong that feeling of nationalism is, may be judged from the quotation: "Race is in fact something divine. For it does not come from us, but is independent of us, beyond us; on the contrary we are dependent upon it. It is far stronger than we; it is predestined.

And just as there is no refuge from God except

in Him, so there is no escape from the race except in subordination to it, a conscious unification with it."

There has always been a race feeling even before the days when Greece divided the world into Greeks and Barbarians, but this feeling, Celtic or German or Arabian as it might be, was hardly more than a community of language and culture. In the Reformation which set Protestant against Catholic, is to be found "the unconscious beginning of the nationalism of today" and this discovery of race was accentuated by the great voyages of discovery which disclosed so many new races to the European world. It was not until the nineteenth century however that modern nationalism had its rise, finding its first great exponent in Gobinean and his studies on the inequality of the human races. His work has been carried on by philologists, anthropologists, and psychologists who by emphasizing race differences have paved the way for race prejudices. In 1894 when the "Yellow Peril" was first discovered, the world in general became conscious of this new spirit; and it is since that time that race feeling, race hatred, race consciousness have become stock phases in common

use.

Wirth elaborates on the fact that each race must have its own language, its own culture, its own religion, but he admits that no race is strong which is racially pure but only those which are the result of a mixture of many strains. He does not go as far as Chamberlain in trying to prove that most of the world's genuises were German, though he discusses the question as to whether Christ was Aryan or Jew; but he does claim that Europe is largely composed of German-made or German-ruled states, and cites France, England and Russia as examples. He treats of the racial influence in politics; counts the numbers of the white, yellow, and black races, weighing them against each other, and of the Teutons and Slavs; and attempts to define "Was ist Deutsch."

His conclusion is that nationalism is the necessary and logical state of modern society and its inevitable result is war. Since the birth of the "Yellow Peril" in 1894 there has been an almost constant succession of wars and the intervals have been filled with a bitter race competition in industry and commerce. With nationalism comes imperialism which means the expansion of the strong state at the expense of the weak. And then to give a practical turn to his philosophy and to drive home its application to German affairs, this German writer notes the colonies which

other European nations have gained, insists that Germany must have her share, but, as colonies over the sea are a source of danger rather than strength, he urges an increase of German territory in Europe and closes with a sentence that has an ominous ring today: "Der Vaterland muss grosser sein."

Japan Today and Tomorrow. By HAMILTON WRIGHT MABIE. New York: Macmillan. 1914. Pp. ix, 291.

Dr. Mabie attempts to interpret the spirit and character of the Japanese people as shown "in its attitude toward nature and religion, its social habits, its tastes and recreations, its historic ideals, the qualities of body and mind formed by its long historic discipline, its instinctive reaction under the stimulus of new conditions." Dr. Mabie describes in charming style certain of the picturesque features of the country and life of Japan.

Two interesting chapters are those dealing with Count Okuma, one containing a stenographic report of a conversation with him. To Count Okuma, Japan's greatest need is a chance to stop and find herself; for her progress has been so rapid that she has had no opportunity to work out the best means of development but has had to resort to every kind of makeshift to assist in her progress. The most hopeful sign today is that she has awakened to a realization of her situation and is making her dissatisfaction known in regard to education, religion, in fact every phase of national life. In government, the formation of political parties, though it occasions frequent changes of ministries and a corresponding decrease in administrative efficiency, is doing more than anything else to give the mass of the people an interest and training in political life which is absolutely essential to Japan's future.

A Decade of American Government in the Philippines, 1903–1913. BY DAVID P. BARROWS. New York: World Book Company. 1914. Pp. xiv, 66.

This little book, prepared as an additional chapter for the third edition of the author's History of the Philippines, furnishes a most convenient and excellent summary of the events of the American occupation since 1903; a topic on which Dr. Barrows is qualified to write authoritatively by reason of his ten years' experience in the Philippines as city superintendent of the schools at Manila, chief of the bureau of non-Christian tribes of the Philippines, and director of education for the Philippines. A brief prologue sum

marizes the events of the occupation from 1898 to 1903 and prepares for a discussion of the decade from 1903 to 1913, which has been "a signal triumph over unusual difficulties and misunderstandings."

One interesting question of administration arises in regard to emphasis; whether it shall be laid upon the political and educational where the Filipinos wish to keep it, or upon the industrial and economic to which most of the American governor-generals have given their especial attention. Dr. Barrows considers that in view of the great eagerness of Filipinos for education, their surprising ability to advance themselves as soon as their ignorance is relieved, and their intense preoccupation in the political future of their country, it seems idle to urge them to diminish their interest in the intellectual and political advance of their race and unstatesmanlike not to recognize that the problems of consummate difficulty in the Philippines will continue to be political in character.

In summarizing the decade, Dr. Barrows claims that

the distinctive achievement of the American administration in the Philippines is in the social and spiritual transformation of the Filipinos themselves; the pains taken to make better men. American claims of contributing to the world's experience in the governance of empire lie in the personal and political liberty guaranteed to the Filipinos and in the success of popular education.

He speaks a little doubtfully of the outcome of the Democratic policy as occupying untenable middle ground between the only two possible policies,

the continuance of the policy of the last decade, the islands remaining under American sovereignty with a government wherein ultimate authority is vested in the representatives of the United States, or the complete abandonment of the islands to their own. support.

The Future of World Peace. A book of charts and economic facts for Americans. By ROGER W. BABSON. Boston: Babson's Statistical Organization. 1915. Pp. 142.

The causes of the present war are commercial and the fact that Mr. Babson attacks the problem of world peace makes of his book interesting reading. Starting with the statement that England and Germany went to war for the same thing, "the control of the seas upon which both the growth of Germany and the security of Eng

THE JOURNAL OF RACE DEVELOPMENT, VOL. 5, No. 4, 1915