peal to experience and fact, those great detectors of human errors, for an anfwer. They declare with great folemnity, that "in thofe times there was no peace to him that went out nor to him that came in; but great vexations were upon all the inhabitants of the countries; and nation was destroyed of nation, and city of city; for God did vex them with all adverTM fity."

This is no more than what might be reasonably expected For when a people give up their religion, and renounce the authority of God, they will not hesitate to overleap all bounds of law and morality, and destroy one another.

From this brief fpecimen it appears, that the focial order and happiness of a community depend effentially on the influence of moral principle; and we may venture to fay, fhould this be deftroyed, exterior force can never fupply its place. Without it, we shall never practice that "righteousness which exalteth a nation;" but shall inevitably fall into those "fins which are the reproach of any people."

There never has been a people, fince the tribes ranfomed from Egyptian bondage, under greater obligations to their GOD than we are; and fhould we bafely apoftatize from our holy religion, and use our liberty only for a cloke of malicioufness, we must expect fome chofen curfe will pursue us to final ruin.

But in a world like this, neither innocency nor uprightness will always preferve a people from the defigns of avarice and ambition,

We, therefore, add 3d, Another mean of preferving our liberty and of promoting our profperity is the power we poffefs of defending ourselves.

Without

Without the means of felf-defence, the liberties of a people can never be safe. A state of weakness always invites aggreffion. Ambitious men feldom want a pretext to plunder and destroy such as have not the power of refiftance. Popular governments have been fuppofed lefs capable of felf-defence, than those of a monarchical form; because it is thought to be more difficult to collect their energies, and direct them to any certain point. Hence the destiny of our Republic has often been predicted by the fate of others. It has been fuppofed that the feeds of mortality are fown in the constitution of all Republics, that they grow with their growth, and ftrengthen with their ftrength, and that their early diffolution follows of courfe. But this is not true as applied to them in particular. No human government is exempt from difafter and change. Should it be afked, where are those republics of Greece and Rome, which make such a figure in ancient hiftory? In reply, I would afk, where are those mighty monarchies which were raised on their ruins? The Grecian republics, retained their freedoin for feven centuries; whereas the monarchy, which by the arms of Alexander was extended over great part of the known world, fcarcely outlived its founder. The republic of Rome, after the expulfion of Tarquin, maintained its liberties for five hundred years. Nor did the empire, though one of the most powerful and defpotic that ever exifted, continue longer. It commenced nearly with the christian era, was divided in the beginning of the 4th century, by Constantine, and in the fifth, wholly fubverted, and a barbarous Chieftain feated on the

throne

throne of the Cafars. The caufes which brought on the ruin of Sparta, Carthage, and Rome itself, are too well known to require a recital on this occafion.

It must here be remembered, however, that our republic differs effentially, in its conftitution and genius, from all others, both ancient and modern. Had the Grecian ftates, instead of their Amphictyon Council, formed a permanent government like ours, they could not have been practifed upon feparately, and ruined by the infidious arts of Philip, of Macedon. But, my brethren, we are bleffed with a government which combines energy with freedom. God hath alfo put in our power ample means of defence; and we may hope, under the aufpices of an indulgent Providence, long to enjoy our precious privileges.

When we look back to that perilous moment when we first affumed the attitude of felf-defence, and compare our prefent fituation and refourees with what they then were, gratitude and joy rush in upon our fouls, and constrain us to say, "the LORD hath done great things for us, whereof we are glad."

We are by the providence of God, at this time, in the honorable and quiet poffeffion of a country of vaft extent and fertility. Our foil, luxuriant as the land of Nile; and our atmosphere, pure as that which furrounded the famed Helicon. The wide Atlantic laves our eastern board, and forms one barrier to the progrefs of invafion; and at the fame time wafts to our fhores the fruits and treafures of every clime. ancient towns and cities

On its bays and inlets our are planted. Here, the

bufy

bufy multitude throng; and trade, and commerce collect their immenfe ftores of wealth. Here, ele gance and refinement unite their powers, to please the imagination and improve the heart.

On the west, the Miffifippi rolls in majestic grandeur; and by receiving the waters of the Ohio into its bofom, opens à communication of vast extent into those fertile regions. Here, the wilderness is turned into a fruitful field, and golden harvests smile in the rays of a fetting fun. Where the Sav age lately pursued his nimble chafe, we now behold large towns and flourishing villages, adorned with temples facred to religion, and crowded with devout and adoring worshippers of the LAMB.

No confiderable part of our extenfive territory, but what is capable under the hand of cultivation, of yielding fubfiftence for man.

Were we to rife with the morning fun, and travel on its rays round the globe, we should not find a nation more distinguished by its bleffings than our own. Every uneafy thought therefore must be deemed ingratitude, and every murmur rebellion against heaven.

Should a foreign enemy attempt to invade our country, he would meet a phalanx of veterans more impenetrable than walls of granate. Our dependance is not on foreign auxiliaries or mercenary aid; but under GOD, we rely on the skill and bravery of our own citizens. Do we need fhips of war? Our own immenfe forefts, our forges and work-fhops furnish the materials; and our fkilful artizans construct them in a manner, equal, if not fuperior to any which float on the bosom of the

deep;

deep. Indeed, every article neceffary in the whole apparatus of war, is, or may be furnished by ourfelves. It is not then to be believed, that five mill ions of people, breathing the air of freedom and tafting her joys, inured to hardy enterprize, and lords of the foil they cultivate, can ever be conquer. ed by any foreign foe, unless the stars in their cour Jes fight against them.

With fuch immenfe and increafing refources, our only danger arifes from the abufe of our liber which was the last thing in the method to be attended to.

ty,

Permit me briefly to obferve on two or three particulars. The right of private judgment, or what is commonly called liberty of confcience, is one of our dearest privileges. This right is unalienable in its nature. For the enjoyment of this, our forefathers left their friends and country, and fought an afylum in this then howling wilderness. But precious as this privilege is, it is liable to abuse. A very malicious defign may be concealed under the cloke of religious liberty. It is to be feared that many, under this pretence, are in reality oppofing and endeavouring to deftroy all religion. Some by denying, others by corrupting its important doctrines and inftitutions. This is an abuse too for which there is no legal remedy. It seems to be beyond the jurisdiction of the civil magiftrate. According to our context, his power extends only to the punishment of evil doers, and not erroneous or heretical opinions. He that undertakes to decide on another's fincerity, ought certainly to know his heart; otherways, in attempting to root out these tarés, he will be in danger of deftroying the wheat. I know

D