one, we think, can read the two books without acknowledging the justice of our criticism, and that "The Dean's Daughter," taken in its main incidents from a book published some time ago, is much its inferior in characters and its whole style of thought and expression. We can confidently recommend it to all but inveterate novel readers, as a book to be avoided! As some set-off, however, to our critical severity it is only just to permit the fair author to speak for herself, in the following spirited sketch of CHRISTMAS IN A CATHEDRAL TOWN. "But a season was now at hand when, by universal conBent of Christendom, worldly cares are annually set aside for the celebration of the great festival of the year. Christmas, vouchsafed as a divine endowment, like the Jewish Sabbath thoroughly carried out, not so much in consequence of its own deficiencies, as of a flaw in those former acts, which had previously not been taken advantage of, but of which, on the passing of the Ten Hours Bill, such masters as had opposed that measure, eagerly availed themselves. The inspectors say, "We now feel ourselves called upon to represent to you in this our joint report, that experience has proved that when the acts of 1833 and 1844 were framed the measures that have been resorted to by certain occupiers of factories to evade the limitations of the hours of work fixed by these acts were not contemplated, consequently no sufficient security against them was provided."-(p. 62.) In order that the subto the pristine hewers of wood and drawers of water, lest ject might be settled more effectually, another perpetual contest with the briars and flints of this world appeal was made to Parliament, but this time should prove too harassing, was coming with its white ban- government was less decided, and the masters ner of peace and good-will uplifted in the gloomy sky, to seized the opportunity of making a strenuous bring back the absent, soften the surly, and re-unite dis-opposition, All that was applied for was, the jointed bonds of family union. The town of R, as became its collegiate character, was uniformly prompt and lively in its Christmas demonstrations. The cathedral bells began to ring long before the bells of less qualified steeples; and by St. Thomas's day, whole groves of holly and laurustinus made their appearance in the market-place. As in most cathedral towns, a variety of public doles were impending. Dame Bridget this, and Dame Mildred that, had bequeathed scores of silver groats, and rations of manchet bread and strong beer, to hundreds of old men and women; while Sir Marmaduke Maultravers, knight of the shire in King Stephen's time, had given bolls of meal and bushels of malt to fifty Christian souls, to pray for the repose of his own at the festival of our Lord. "But besides these moss-grown benefactions, to quicken the languid circulation of the ragged purliens of the city, beeves and beer were liberally bestowed by the sitting mem bers, and coats and blankets sternly inflicted, with a suitable admonition, by the bishop's lady. Sir Thomas Hargreave, too, since he became a landed proprietor within the liberties of R, had judged it becoming his income and his portliness to patronise the poor during the season of universal philanthropy; so that the same cart which conveyed from Dursley Park a buck to the corporation and a leash of pheasants to the Dean, took over as many fat sheep for distribution as the bailiff considered due to his master's standing in "No wonder, therefore, that the bells chimed merrily; the county. and while the very beggars grew indifferent to the holes in impending, the rich were, in their turn, preparing to make merry. Real twelfthcakes, variegated as with encaustic tiles, superseded, in the confectioner's window, those fictitious moulds of jelly in yellow glass, or pâtés de Périgord in Wedgewood ware, containing, like Gratiano's discourse, an infinite deal of nothing. Little boys in comforters, and little girls in beaver bonnets, fondly twitched by the hand along the pavement by shopping parents, announced that the holidays had begun; and the plate-glass windows of Priggins and Bradyll, the grand haberdashers and drapers of Rwhose mahogany counters and unparalleled sacrifices were worthy of Oxford-street or the Gazette, exhibited, instead of festoons of gauzy kerchiefs and flimsy ribbons, a display of furs worthy of a bazaar at Astrakan. their shoes, because donations of worsted stockings were "The good Dean appeared to yield mechanically to the pressure from without. He listened without a murmur to Mrs. Pleydell's annual recapitulation of the statistics of the Dorcas Society, over which she presided, and to which he largely subscribed; the Branch Coal Society, the Cottage Scripture-reading Society, the Anti-Chimney-Sweepers' AsBociation, and divers others of the humanity salves and elixirs, whereby the orthodox of R- affected to heal the wounds inflicted by their intolerance." Report of the Inspectors of Factories, for half year ending 31st October, 1852. WHETHER the official contents of a Parliamentary Blue Book afford fair matter for the literary reviewer might perhaps be doubted, a certain unpoetical license being unquestionably allowed on such very prosy subjects as government inquiries and commissions. However, as the above report has fallen into our hands, and as in plain, unpretending, straight-forward language it conveys much interesting and valuable information, we feel inclined to transcribe some passages from it, and make a few remarks on the subject which they open before us. Most interesting of all the various subdivisions of the subject of factory legislation is the working of the recent restrictions on the hours of labour of women and young persons. It will be remembered by most of our readers that in 1847 was passed the measure known as the "Ten Hours Bill," limiting such labour to ten hours per day, or 574 hours per week, on Saturday, according to custom from time immemorial, such work ceasing at an earlier hour than on other days. This act, however, being only an addition to former acts, was by and by found unable to be power to carry out the avowed spirit of the former act-no unreasonable demand: it would seem, however, the masters cried for a compromise, and the matter ended by the Ten Hours Bill being changed into a "Ten and a half Hours Bill," the half hour per day being conceded on Parliament making the law effective, and the factory masters agreeing as a body to attempt no further violation. So much by way of explanation. Let us now turn to the Report, and see what it says as to how this agreement, purchased by an extra half hour's labour per day, is being kept. kingdom is divided, the inspectors speak favourIn three of the four districts into which the ably of the general observance of the law; but these are the districts to which the law least refers-Wales, Ireland, Scotland, and the south and west of England. We therefore turn to the report of Mr. Leonard Horner, for the manufacturing districts par excellence, viz., Lancashire, the West Riding, and North Derbyshire, and here we have a very different state of things, the law being in many cases systematically violated. He says: "In my two last reports I have dwelt at some length on this subject,-on the wilful commission of the fraud by persons of large property, on the mean contrivances to which they have recourse in order to elude detection, and the obstacles which the inspectors meet with from the imperfect provisions of the act, in their endeavours to put down an evil so great as the systematic violation of the law,-one so justly complained of by millowners who are strictly obeying the act. All that I have stated in these reports is equally applicable to the last half-year and the present time."-(p. 6.) We have not before us these two last reports, and so cannot refer to the fuller particulars there given, but we have here one or two instances of how the law is systematically violated. They are in Glossop Dale. The first is a factory employing not less than 1,300 hands! Here he says, "a watch is set to give timely notice of the approach of an inspector." Two sub-inspectors from another district, however, got admission, being unknown, but could do little; were roughly used by the master, and out of hundreds of women could only get the names of some two or three. These cases were tried; but though the constant violation was notorious, an overlooker pleaded guilty, and the magistrates were compelled to fine him, though they said "they were morally convinced there was collusion." On the bench at the time these cases were gone into was another large manufacturer, who, however, on that account, would take no part in the proceedings. Surely he should have strictly kept the law. Yet a little while after information was received that at his factory women and young persons were worked during part of the dinnerhour. The sub-inspectors, with two London detectives, who had been sent down into the district to assist them, went to the mill. They say, "We obtained the names of seven "-[women working contrary to law]" but, as usual in such cases, seventy or eighty found their way out at the other end of the room." Moreover, going to the clock again, which they had before carefully noted, it had been altered ten minutes! and afterwards the master, taking the inspector into the warehouse, "indirectly offered me a douceur to quash the whole thing." Of course he would not; the case was tried, and here again, as in the former case, one of the workpeople, the engineer, was brought forward to plead guilty, and the bench, though expressing their conviction that the firm were the culpable parties, were obliged by law to convict him. Now, plainly, the evil does not stop with these individual instances of illegal working. Another inspector says:- 66 Complaints have been made by the occupiers of factories, in my district, of the disadvantage under which they have been placed in the market by reason of the proceedings of some occupiers of large factories in Glossop Dale, in the adjoining district of my colleague, Mr. Horner, where the limitations which the statute has placed upon the hours of labour are said to have been notoriously violated by an organized system of disobedience to the law."—(p. 35.) What is the inevitable consequence of this? Simply what is taking place notoriously in Heywood and many other towns, that many others, disposed to keep the law, are forced to break it in order to compete with their unscrupulous neighbours, and thus the evil is spreading; and the worst of it is, that the more systematic and organized the violation, the less are the chances well known to work from half past five to eight, of detection: for though a certain mill may be yet, unless the inspector can get in, find the persons at work, get their names, and bring them individually before the magistrates, no case is made out, and then the utmost penalties imposed in the few cases which can be so produced, are so trifling as to be a very inconsiderable item among the regular "business charges!" Can, then, the present state of things be regarded as satisfactory and settled? and are the present powers of the law sufficient? Hear Mr. Horner: "This illegal working of young persons and women will never be effectually put down without an amending act, which shall take away the facilities for evading detection and punishment now existing; which shall make the occupier of the factory alone responsible; and which shall, moreover, inflict, as the lowest penalty, such a sum as will at least considerably diminish the gain by fraudulent working; for the shame of a prosecution appears to be no restraint on such men."p. 16. Nothing can be plainer than this; and if it be true, surely government ought to make such fresh enactments as shall effectually settle the question. This is only just to the workers, and equally just to the honest employer; for, to quote the Report again "Those who are strictly observing the law, naturally claim that the provisions of the act in so important a matter shall not be suffered to be violated with impunity; and that all occupiers of factories shall be compelled to adhere to the same hours of work as limited by law. To carry this into effect has been our constant aim; but, without an amending act, which will make the detection of offences more easy, and the punishment of them more certain and more severe, we have little hope that the desired uniformity will be accomplished." p. 63. What should be the exact nature of the more binding law-whether restriction on the moving power, or imprisonment in place of fine-is a question we cannot now discuss; but be it remembered, whatever it be, it is no restriction on the honest man or the honest master, but must be a boon to them,-restricting only the dishonest and the selfish. One more extract, and we have done. The additional power during the year is stated to be (in new or enlarged factories) 3,554 horse power— "Which, on estimating on an average four persons to each horse power, is equivalent to an increase of 13,416 persons employed in the branches of manufacture that come under the Factories' Regulation Act. In the preceding year, the total additional power was 7,048 horses, equivalent, by the same estimate, to 28,192 additional persons employed; and thus, in the two years ended 31st October last, there were, after deducting the power Now Publishing, on the 1st of every Month: 36 Columns, size of the Athenaeum: PRICE THREEPENCE EACH NUMBER: THE CONSTITUTIONAL: of the unoccupied mills, 10,602 additional horses MONTHLY ADVERTISER AND REVIEW OF GENERAL LITERATURE & CURRENT power, giving employment to 42,408 additional persons."-p. 69. Now, remembering the doleful prognostications of ruined trade and consequently an impoverished people, the inquiring mind on reading the above passage will naturally ask-1st. Do factory owners usually increase their establishments when trade is going to the dogs? and 2nd. Is the demand for 42,408 additional labourers, in two years, likely to cause impoverishment among the working classes? Pretty conclusions, surely, as to the general tendency of these terrible violations of the amiable principle of " Laissez faire," to injure either mas ter or man! A Just Published, 1 vol. 8vo., pp. 544, price 10s. 6d. MODERN HISTORY, from the time of Luther to the fall of Napoleon. By the Rev. 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"Asylums for the Insane," by Thos. Dickson, Esq., demy "The Catholic Hand-Book," by Rev. J. H. MacGuire, LONDON: Saunders & Stanford, 6, Charing Cross. Printed and Published by JOHN BERESFORD, of No. 75, Grosvenor Street, Chorlton-upon-Medlock, and JAMES GALT, of No. 9, Trafford Place, Stretford New Road, in the Parish of Manchester, in the county of Lancaster, at their Printing Office, No. 3, Cross Street, in Manchester, and sold by all Booksellers.-June 1st, 1853. No. VII.] "I wish we could so perfectly distinguish the Legislative "from the Ministerial authority as once we did; when the HOUSE OF COMMONS had not the power of a COURT LEET "to give an Oath: which distinction, doubtless, is the most "vital part of freedom; as, on the contrary, the confusion "of them is an accomplishment of servitude."-4 Plea for Limited Monarchy:-1660. CONTENTS. PAGH 69 70 NATIONAL POOR-LAW ASSOCIATION. tests) to dig holes and fill them up again." With AT a meeting of the Executive Committee, held at this memorable exception it was reserved for the the Secretary's office, Back King-street, Manches- well-meaning but mistaken theorists of the last ter, on the 6th day of June, 1853; Samuel Ogden, twelve years to reduce idleness to a science, and of Esq., in the chair; after the ordinary business of two species of employment equally ready at hand the Association had been transacted, the following and easy of application by Boards of Guardians, to resolutions were adopted :choose the degrading and useless, and reject the productive and beneficial. 1. That the object of the Poor-law Association is to promote the useful employment and industrial instruction, agricultural and otherwise, of the adult and juvenile destitute; who generally of late years in England and Ireland have been either kept totally idle or put to degrading and unprofitable kinds of work;-treatment which the highest 71 authorities upon prison discipline pronounce to be unjust and demoralizing even to convicted felons. 72 2. That the practical arrangements pointed out by the 74 Poor-law Association, under which it has been abundantly 75 proved that the destitute (whether criminal or deserving) 76 are both morally improved and capable of contributing to their own support, are now in operation in Chorlton, 77 Thanet, Guilt Cross, Bridgenorth, Sheffield, Portland, New78 ton-Abbot, Bedford, etc.; in numerous Irish unions; in almost all the American prisons; and in nearly every coun78 try of Europe. 79 80 3. That the self-supporting principle advocated by the Poor-law Association, being embodied in the existing law of 43 of Eliz.; sanctioned by the founder of inductive philosophy, Lord Bacon; by Lord Hale, Locke, Bentham, and the most eminent writers on social polity; by Poor-law Commissioners and Government inspectors of schools and prisons; and being demonstrable from the plain and recognized doctrines and data of political economy; it is much to be regretted that the easy application of that principle to the adult and juvenile destitute should still be resisted by those influences which have for a time prevented the adop. tion of other improvements in society and science. National Poor-Law Association. poor-law system-averaging from five to eight millions per 4. That in view of the enormous direct cost of the present annum-and of its still more disastrous indirect results, in Under the superintendence of the Executive Committee the thriftlessness, intemperance, hereditary pauperism, and of "THE NATIONAL POOR-LAW ASSOCIATION" (established crime, with their attendant burdens and mischiefs, entailed to promote the substitution of productive labour for idle- upon the community by neglect of the young, and by the ness and useless tests), who are responsible for this depart-enforced idleness and degradation of adults,--the committee ment of the Publication exclusively. Communications for earnestly invite the friends of popular education, ministers the Association must be addressed to the Secretaries, 1, Elm of religion, enlightened guardians of the poor, and the phiCourt, Temple, London, and 7, Norfolk-street, Manchester. lanthropic and intelligent in every situation of life, to cooperate, by becoming members of the Association, by forming local and ward committees, petitioning the Legisla ture and otherwise, in the promotion of a more humane and rational poor-law administration. THE NATIONAL POOR-LAW ASSOCIATION has for its objects the diminution of Pauperism with its demoralizing consequences, and the reduction of the burden of Poor's Rates, by promoting the extension of agricultural and other industrial employment and training for adult and juvenile "paupers," and the more rational and humane administration of the Poor-laws. METROPOLITAN COMMITTEN. The Lord Bishop of Ripon. Joseph Kay, Esq., B.A. Sir R. Gore Booth, Bart. M.P. P. Mac Mahon, Esq. M.P. R. A. Thicknesse, Esq., M.P. 5. That the editors of the London and provincial news. papers in which the proceedings of the Poor-law Association have heretofore been reported, be respectfully requested to insert the foregoing resolutions. The EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE beg to acknowledge several subscriptions, a list of which will be published in the next Number. The arrangements made for transferring the printing and publication of "The Constitutional" (which is the medium for publishing the Circular and Correspondence of the National Poor-law Association) to London-a step which the Committee have long deemed essential, involve expenses which they rely upon the friends to give increased efficiency to the Association-will of Poor-law Reform generally, throughout the country, to enable them to meet. Useful and (so far as might be) profitable labour was alone recognized by the statute of 43 Eliz., which is still the law of the land. Banished for a time by fears, which a sounder political economy had aided to dispel, of "interference with the labour market and with independent industry," reproductive labour in Poor Law Unions is again being introduced despite local prejudices and official opposition. But although still coldly regarded by some who claim to be authorities upon pauper management, the administrative improvements recommended by the Poor Law Association, have not only experience in their favour, but the concurrent testimony of the most powerful minds that have ever been directed to the subject, in the works of such men as Bacon, Hale, Berkeley, Colquhoun, Locke, Bentham, etc., etc. The authority of the last-named distinguished jurist, whatever it may be in ethics, will hardly be disputed upon questions of social reform. To his persevering exertions almost all that is certainly good in our model prisons, and judicial amendments, may fairly be ascribed. The employment and ma nagement of the destitute classes was also a subject to which he devoted great attention. In 1791 first appeared, in Arthur Young's 'Annals of Agriculture,' Bentham's "Pauper Management improved, particularly by means of an application of the Panopticon principle of Construction." The work was translated during the Consulate in 1802, and published by the French Government, under the direction of M. du Quesnoi; and the suggestions contained in it were soon afterwards, to an extent this book, together with three others by the same more or less considerable, put to use. In 1811 author, relative to the management of Convicts or other persons maintained at the public charge, having been laid upon the table of the House of Commons' Committee on Penitentiary Houses, is referred to in the appendix to their Report of that same date. We have been particular in stating these circumstances, in order to show that those views of Poor Law Management which any prosy journalist or superficial parish officer thinks himself warranted in designating crotchets have received, the wisest and best men in the most enlightened as they are again receiving, the consideration of countries of the world. In proportion as a thing is excellent, when established, is it anything but romance; and theory, and speculation, till the touch of the seal or the sceptre has converted it into practice?" From this book we shall proceed to give a few extracts more immediately relating to the subject BENTHAM ON PAUPER MANAGEMENT. of reproductive employment.-The work at large The non-productive system, till lately prevailing occupies, as the author, in a preliminary communiunquestioned, in English and Irish Poor-law ad- cation characteristically says, "two independent ministration, as it is unheard of in other civilized though connected volumes. Pauper systems comcountries, is also a novelty in this. As a prac-pared:-Pauper management improved;—the last tice, indeed, negligent or unfeeling overseers were the Romance, the Utopia to which I had once charged with resorting to it under the old Poor occasion to allude.-Romance ?-how should it be Law."Parish officers," observe H. M. Commis- anything less? I mean to an author's partial eyes. sioners in 1833, "whilst they have sufficient labour of this (i.e. a productive) description before their SUBSCRIPTIONS are requested to be paid into the Bank doors, in their unwillingness, or their inability, to of Messrs. Glyn and Co., London; the Union Bank of take upon themselves the trouble of superintendence, Manchester; or sent by post-office order to Thomas Greig, or to make any immediate pecuniary sacrifice, for The author begins with some observations showEsq., Treasurer, 60, George-street, Manchester; and com- the purpose of enforcing the performance of that ing the novelty and importance of the information munications from gentlemen desirous of co-operating with the movement may also be addressed to the Becretaries- labour, have resorted to devices, obviously intended that would be obtained from every parish by forms Thomas Wheeler, Esq., S.C.L., 1, Elm Court, Temple, Lon- to torment. The association of the utility of labour filled up upon the plan shown on the blank table don; James Winder, Esq., Bolton; T. H. Battye, Esq., Hud- to both parties, the employer as well as the em- annexed to the work. This table, elaborated with dersfield; T. Worthington Barlow, Esq., Manchester, from whom can be obtained all the addresses, etc., issued by the ployed, is one which we consider it most important that remarkable faculty of classification and noAssociation. Members will be enrolled on the payment of to preserve and strengthen; and we deem every-menclature which Bentham possessed, we may nohalf-a-guinea and upwards. Donations, of one shilling and thing mischievous that unnecessarily gives to it a re-tice hereafter. Suffice it now to say that with all upwards, in postage stamps, will be received, and a number pulsive aspect. of the "Circular of the National Poor-Law Association," It was Lord Castlereagh alone who the boasted systematizing and centralized superin(Constitutional,) containing the acknowledgment, trans- went so far as to justify the principle of employing dence of Somerset House, no accounts that we have mitted to the donor. paupers (after the approved fashion of our labour ever seen contain the information which might "Take two parishes, Bigham and Littleton-numbers of bours." SELECTION FROM CORRESPONDENCE. 66 every class the same in the one as in the other. Not to / From CHANDOS WREN HOSKYNS. Esq., of Wroxis. that work should be the condition of support; have recourse to any such extraordinary supposition, as that at Littleton they shall be, all of them, below (what, if fitable labour is, upon the whole stock together, the same as if the whole was at the lowest workable age: while at hall Abbey, Warwickshire. The more tho thus be with ease procured and recorded. One of clothing nor lodging, any more than food, can be excluded on capital; small, perhaps, at first, because experithe singular hallucinations of anti-productive rea- supply behold another of my sheet-anchors: and that, after from the catalogue of necessaries. In the principle of self-ence of management would have to be gained. soners is that although children may, as at Bridge- giving two-thirds to agriculture, leaves one for manufac [While thanking our esteemed correspondent for north and elsewhere, be made to produce their tures. The principle of self-supply-what say you to it? his communication, which contains many valuable subsistence, adult "pauper labour" never can be Does the term explain itself? Does the idea recommend hints, he will allow us to remark that he seems itself? Quit that especially such part of it as looks to made productive. Bentham never dreamed of so agriculture-and I divide your poor-houses for you-call rather to have misunderstood some of the points absurd a distinction. He assumed that with pau- them what you please-Houses of Industry-into two par- urged by the National Poor-law Association. The pers as with independent labourers the capacity cels:-one, the ill-managed, employed in ruining them- Association has never recommended that "mouths for yielding profitable labour is certain under effi-selves; the other, the well-managed, in ruining their neigh- should be billeted" in any one locality; it does not cient management, and in proportion to age and seek to make or to treat any men as adscriptos strength. In showing the advantage of a more gleba." Neither has it ever insisted upon work accurate classification, he says:upon the land as the only means of employment. Quite the reverse. The principle it insists upon -work that is fit for men to do; which will bring I have received and read with interest your let-its own support while being done, without cost to the expression be allowable, may be termed) the workable ter and enclosures on the subject of the diminution the public; and the doing of which will the better age, and therefore yielding no earnings at all-at Bigham, all of them at the age of highest earnings, let us suppose of Pauperism. It is one replete with difficulty, that at Littleton, those below the workable are and those and, what is worse, with the surviving mischief of enable applicants to live a future life of independabove it being put together, the capacity of affording pro- past errors, of wrong principles, and right principles with, instead of helping, the carrying out of sound ence. The "Union" interferes, in every respect, wrongly applied; which has made the whole subject of the Poor-law one of hopeless entanglement to that large class of society who are anxious to assist, but unable to comprehend, and who would go to any other kind of expense but that of the uninviting mental labour of extricating practical truth out of a bundle of conflicting views and abortive plans. In England we have poor-laws and pauperism. On the Continent you have no Poor-laws; and in America no Pauperism. We We must also remark that, however great the have therefore the double mischief of the increasing "Elizabethan ignorance," it was wisdom compared evil and the false remedy. Surely this must be with the doctrinairism of our enlightened days. curable: the two evils must be related, and my be- The principle of the Elizabethan Act is not that lief is that the Parochial Settlement system is itself After giving an elaborate account of a non- a cause of evil. Paupers' and 'Parishes' have no whether idle or industrious. Its striking characterevery one has a right to sustenance from the soil," adult value table, contrived for the purpose of ex- necessary connection. On the contrary, the con-istic is, the requirement that every one who, being hibiting the pecuniary value, negative or positive, nection is most broken at that very point when able to work, professes he can find no means of of the services of a pauper or other individual (i. e. the Parish' can no longer find work for the Pau- maintaining himself, shall be "set to work.”—ED. expenses and returns by labour on account of such per. At that moment his connection virtually beindividual), at and up to different years of age gins with that parish or locality where there is CONSTITUTIONAL.] from birth to twenty-one years complete," Ben-work for hands to do. Nature herself suggests tham adds,part of the national live-stock which has no feathers to it, should further it. And as long as there is a bog in "What say you to this idea of forming a valuation of that this connection, and true humanity and charity and walks upon two legs? Is it new or old ? If old, can Ireland or an undrained marsh or gorse common in you tell me where it is to be found? I do not mean in the England, nobody should ask where that parish' head of what West Indian, but in the tables of what Mathematician or Statisticalist ? for strange it would be if the Bigham that capacity is upon the same footing as if the whole stock were at the age of half-earnings: namely, the age at which, instead of earning from 8s. to 10%, as before, supposed, observe the errors it is likely to give birth to, as well in regard to the quantity of natural strength, as in regard to the goodness of the management, as between a boy might be made to earn from 48. to 58. All this being house and house. The number of boys being the same in the one as in the other, if in Bigham the sum of the earnings were from four to five times as great as in Littleton (ages being by the supposition unknown), the management under this head would naturally appear four or five times as good: whereas in fact it is not above half as good; for, had it been equally good, the actual earnings would have been as the capacity for yielding earnings; whereas they are but half as great." term value had less propriety, when applied to the labour of the freeman, than to that of the slave. Is an average child at his birth-supposing him certain of not living be yond the age of one-and-twenty years complete-worth more or less than nothing to those (himself of the number) who, during that period of legal as well as natural subjection, have the benefit of his capacity for labour at command? If more than nothing, at what age does he become so? Whether worth more or less than nothing, can he, by any, and what means, be made worth more? If worth more than nothing, how comes it that in an old-planted country-such as England (whatever may be the case in a new-planted one, such as America) a child is, in every class without exception, regarded as a burden (I mean always in a pecuniary sense) to its parents? [He might now add, by Ratepayers and Boards of Guardians.]-This deficiency in point of value, is it necessary and irremedi able, or accidental and remediable? Is it absolute and relative only (I mean without relation to parents) or partly absolute and partly relative." Anti-Productive Boards of Guardians have set themselves especially against agricultural schools, lies. There build your workhouse and localize your poor, and not in the very heart of the parish, which is no longer their home when it has rejected their labour. It is monstrous that the mouth should be billeted exactly where the hands must be idle; and no advantage of local scrutiny and care in keeping down expense can cure it. It does mischievous service by rendering the system endurable or possible. The recourse to the wider area of 'Unions,' instead of parishes, is only an amelioration of the working of a false principle, abating nothing of its falsehood. It just indicates and tantalizes the principle it does not act upon, viz. the wider enlargement which recognizes in uncultivated nature the true home of the hands that can't find work. practical principles and measures. From the Rev. WILLIAM SINCLAIR of Leeds. vourable to such a movement as you suggest, and I have long entertained an opinion strongly faI wish you all success in your patriotic efforts. From JOHN CHEESE, Esq., of Castle-weir, near Kington, (Chairman of the Kington Board of rected of late. I most cordially hail an association formed for the purposes of working out, by those who have had practical experience, of the problem of the increase of pauperism since the passing of the New Poor Law Act. No one can deny that, as at present constituted, with only a workhouse test, it is a failure. A labour test is principally required, and to this my attention has been very much diI think it equally important to guard against raising up a new pauper generation, as to deal with the present one. I have ever taken much interest in my poorer neighbours, Were there no idle capital, as well as idle hands and wish to see their condition and moral indepenand idle acres, the case would be different. dence improved,-and I wish your Society every success. But when I see a redundancy of each-as maI shall be glad to have my name added and Union forms for spade-husbandry and stall-nifestly relative as light and eyesight-I am bound to your list in the way you wish. feeding. Upon no point is experience more con- to regard the English Poor-law as a system perclusive than with regard to the moral and pecuni-versely floundering in the Elizabethan ignorance ary advantages to be derived from such establish from which it took its date and origin; founded ments. The following extract forcibly states the grounds upon which the Poor Law Association has every one has a right to sustenance from the soil.' upon a misapplication of the true principle--that urged the substitution of out-door employment for Yes! by his own-not another's-labour on it. the present unwholesome and unprofitable occupa-The soil without labour yields no food: and to say that any 'man shall live by the sweat of another's "One thing we shall not differ about;-the priority due to agriculture, and the necessary non-productiveness of brow' is a reversal of the law of One who is wiser ing the very poverty for which it professes to proevery system of pauper-employment in which manufactures than man-and more charitable. Such a doctrine vide. A peculiar difficulty however exists, I apcome in on any other footing than a supplemental one; to is not Charity. On the contrary, it has robbed prehend, in this country; from which the labourer take off such part of the strength of an establishment, and such part of the time, as cannot be employed in producing Charity of its double blessing, which 'blesseth him is flying fast, leaving behind the consuming portion food for it. One thing I thank him for-(I should have said that gives and him that takes!' for the Poor-law of his family, which, before this new system, deMr. Ruggles)-the confirming by his professional science a old and new-has notoriously done so. The gift is pended on his exertions for food,-which is now hope fondly nourished by my ignorance, that under such a compulsory, and the receipt without gratitude. given in greater quantity and of superior kind, if system of management, as, if not already examplified any. where, might be framed at least for the purpose, employ. Public morality is thus wounded as well as robbed, only his wife and children have the claim of destiment might be found, even in agriculture, for almost every and a graceless tone of feeling between the rich species of infirmity-for almost every modification of refuse and poor engendered. labour. Stationary force being formed by inanimate, ambulatory by animated Nature, how very little strength, and To carry out the true principle in detail, requires From the REV. EDWARD DILLON, of Brentford, even how very little practice is necessary in a guide!-and only a social effort. Social want generally brings County Wexford, Ireland. even supposing-what is not the case-there were nothing with it a social capability of cure. I believe such Some such movement has become indispensable but girls for the plough, would not even a girl be better em- establishments as those I understand you to allude for the recovery of this country at least, from the ployed now and then at the plough than spinning her health to would be more than self-supporting, if rightly depths of ruin into which it must otherwise be away, and earning twopence? "But away with party-away with exaggeration:-neither undertaken; that is, they would return an interest plunged. tions of the workhouse : From EDWARD WILMOT CHETWODE, Esq., of Wood- tution. From W. B. HODGSON, LL.D., (the late very able nant denunciation of so flagrant an attack on courage are now things despised instead of I have long thought that while the State (i. e. the From Mr. J. LIVESEY, of Preston. What I always have contended for is a fixed law, and inspectors appointed to see it enforced, leaving all minor details to the local boards. A power to issue orders is not only an assumption of irresponsible power, and constantly embarrassing, but is, of all other influences, the likeliest to beget a mean, servile, and inefficient set of Guar dians. TO CORRESPONDENTS. Law;" etc.; and others have been received from valued and increased size, to insert the numerous valuable com years into humble waiting upon functionar- All Communications must be addressed (post paid) to "The 10, Little Queen Street, Holborn, London." The Constitutional. FRIDAY, JULY 1, 1853. A NATIONAL POLICE. of self-action. Home Office, with electric telegraph and railway-train to help it? We will not now dwell on the announcement that the Home Office has ordered "twenty We cannot now go, at any length, into the men and two sergeants from the reserve force real machinery of the constitutional system of of each division" of the Metropolitan Police, constabulary. At a future time we shall reto go down to Chobham ;-though such an cur to this. We are content with asking atorder, made, as it is, without any warrant of tention to two points, at present. First: there law, is startling enough, and ought not to must be something good and sound in what have been permitted for a day. This is how has lasted so long. Second: we have the exever but one step in the direction of what it press testimony of many of the most distinNOTHING in the course of our experience is being attempted, under the name of a "Na-guished and experienced constitutional authohas supplied such unanswerable evidence of tional Police," to do for all England. We rities, among the rest of Lord Coke himself, the unhappy moral effects produced by Poor- could point to the time when, though there to the actual efficiency of the system. That law Legislation, and other modern innovations were real disturbance and turmoil in the efficiency has become lessened solely through of the same sort, as the absolute indifference land, the men of Kent and Surrey refused the the operation of the causes already noticedand silence with which the announcement has officious proffer of aid from London to keep the carefully-designed weakening, in so many been received, of the design to supersede the the peace, declaring, like Englishmen, that, ways, of late years, of the sense of practical local constabulary system of England by a by God's blessing, they could take good watch responsibility of men as regards their atten"National Police." It is more than two and ward for themselves, and would have no aid tion to and fulfilment of their local duties, and months since the committee on this subject from elsewhere. Is it that habitual distur- the encouragement given to that pure spirit was moved for, and granted, in the House of bance has increased among us? is it that our of selfishness which is content to let the fulCommons; yet, with one or two honourable population is now so much thinner than of filment of all such duties be commuted for, exceptions, no voice has been raised in indig-yore? or is it that public spirit and personal and handed over to functionaries. But, in the |