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APPENDIX A (PAGE 1)

'In 1752 Dr. Hawkesworth, who was Johnson's warm admirer and a studious imitator of his style, and then lived in great intimacy with him, began The Adventurer.' Boswell's Johnson, i. 233. “When he had become elated by having risen into some degree of consequence, he, in a conversation with me, had the provoking effrontery to say he was not sensible of it (the imitation). Ib. p. 252. According to Malone 'he had no literature whatever. By editing Cook's Voyages he made

' £6,000. Ib. ii. 247 n., v. 282 n.; Prior's Malone, p. 441. Miss Burney recorded of him in 1769 :- Papa calls his talking booklanguage-for I never heard a man speak in a style which so much resembles writing. Early Diary of F. Burney, i. 43.

His Life of Swift, published in 1755, is founded on the fragment of Swift's Autobiography; Lord Orrery's Remarks on the Life and Writings of Dr. Swift, 1751; Dr. Delany's Observations upon Lord Orrery's Remarks, 1754; Deane Swift's Essay upon the Life, &c., of Dr. Swift, 1755. Of Orrery's Remarks Mrs. Delany wrote in 1751 (Auto. iii. 64):-'I fear there are too many truths in the book, but they do not become my Lord Orrery to publish them, who saw him in his most unguarded moments.' 'Lord Orrery,' writes G. Monck Berkeley in his Literary Relics, Preface, pp. xv-xvii, 'was the most assiduous of Swift's visitors, and the most servile of his flatterers. Having one day gained admission to his library, he discovered a letter of his own, written several years before, lying still unopened, on which Swift had written, “This will keep cool.”... Bishop Berkeley said of him : "My Lord Orrery would be a man of genius, if he knew how to set about it.”

“M’Leod asked if it was not wrong in Orrery to expose the defects of a man with whom he lived in intimacy. Johnson. Why no, Sir, after the man is dead; for then it is done historically.' Boswell's Johnson. v. 238. For Orrery's affectation see ib. Lady M. W. Montagu (Letters, iii. 16) described him as 'one of those danglers after wit who, like those after beauty, spend their time in humbly admiring it. For Scott's criticism of him see Swift's Works, i. 415. See also ante, DORSET, 6.

Of Delany's Observations T. Sheridan wrote in 1784, that while Orrery's book went through several editions, it, incomparably superior, still remains unsold.' Swift's Works, 1803, i. 73. Swift in 1733 described Delany as 'absolutely the most hopeful young gentleman I ever saw.' Pope's Works (Elwin and Courthope), vii. 198, 304. W. G. Carroll, in his Succession of Clergy in St. Bride's, Dublin, p. 47, says that Delany, in his Dedication of The Life of David to the Countess Granville and Lord Hertford, 'called on "all the host of heaven to say Amen to his prayer that Lord and Lady Hertford might increase and multiply."' For Deane Swift's criticism of Delany and Hawkesworth see Nichols's Lit. Hist. v. 375.

Thomas Sheridan's Life of Swift was published in the year of John. son's death. He was paid more for it,' says Nichols,'than Dr. Johnson received for The Lives.' Swift's Works, 1803, i. 76 n.

APPENDIX B (PAGES 2, 11)

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Table of Swift's Residences in England -
1668-71 (almost three years')

Craik, p. 513
End of 1688—May, 1690

Ib. pp. 26, 27, 514.
Aug. 1691-June, 1694

Ib. pp. 27, 47, 515.
May, 1696-Summer, 1699

Ib. pp. 53, 77, 515.
April, 1702–Oct. 1702

Io. pp. 94, 96.
(Swift says that 'he spent near a year there. Ib. p. 516.)
Nov. 13, 1703-May 29, 1704 Forster, p. 131.
April, 1705-Autumn, 1705

Tb. pp. 141, 174.
Nov. 30, 1707June 29, 1709

Craik, p. 516.
Sept. 1, 1710-June 8, 1713. Ib. pp. 194, 264, 516.
Sept. 1, 1713-Aug. 1714

Ib. pp. 272, 516.
March 18, 1725-6—Aug. 20, 1726 Ib. pp. 370, 386.

April 9, 1727-Oct. 1, 1727 . Ib. pp. 396, 398. In all he spent eighteen years in England, of which fourteen were between the ages of twenty-one and forty-six.

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APPENDIX C (PAGE 10)

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On March 4, 1710-1, Swift wrote that he had warned his friends of the Duchess who was endeavouring to play the same game' against the Tory ministers that has been played by Mrs. Masham against the Whigs. Works, ii. 189.

‘Dec. 8, 1711. The Whigs are all in triumph ... this is all your d-d Duchess of Somerset's doings.' Ib. p. 426.

Dec. 23. I have written a Prophecy (The Windsor Prophecy], which I design to print.' Ib. p. 436. In it he grossly attacked her under the

' name of Carrots. She had red hair. Ib. xii. 286. This poem finally lost him his bishopric.

Dec. 24. My prophecy is printed.' Ib. ii. 436. ‘Dec. 26. Mrs. Masham desired me not to let the Prophecy be published, for fear of angering the Queen about the Duchess; so I writ to the printer to stop them. They have been given about, but not sold.' Ib. p. 438.

' April 13, 1713. Mr. Lewis [ante, Gay, 13] showed me an order for a warrant for three deaneries ; but none of them to me ... I told him I had nothing to do but go to Ireland immediately.' Ib. iii

. 147. April 18. Lord Treasurer told me the Queen was at last resolved that I should be Dean of St. Patrick's.' Ib. p. 150.

' April 22. I am not sure of the Queen, my enemies being busy.' Io.

p. 151.
'April 25. I heard the warrants were gone over. Ib. p. 153.

April 26. I was at Court to-day, and a thousand people gave me joy.' Ib. p. 154.

On Aug. 3, 1714, John Barber [see Swift's Letters to Chetwode, p. 180) wrote to him on the Queen's death :'Lord Bolingbroke told me last Friday that he would reconcile you to Lady Somerset, and then it would be easy to set you right with the Queen; and that you should be made easy here, and not go over.' Works, xvi. 174.

The Archbishop-'a very pious man’ Burnet calls him—was one of the preachers suspended by James II. Burnet's Hist. ii. 297.

Swift wrote :- April 23, 1713. The Archbishop, my mortal enemy, has sent me, by a third hand, that he would be glad to see me. ... April 26.

He says he will never more speak against me.' Works, iii. 152, 154.

The same year Swift attacked him, the Queen, and the Duchess in The Author upon Himself. It begins :

By an old pursued,

A crazy prelate and a royal prude.'
It continues :

"Poor York! the harmless tool of others' hate;
He sues for pardon, and repents too late.' Ib. xii. 302.

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APPENDIX D (PAGE 30) Deane Swift was persuaded of the marriage (Essay, p. 92); so was Delany (Observations, p. 52), and Orrery (Remarks, p. 22). G. M. Berkeley (Lit. Relics, Preface, p. xxxvi) says 'the Bishop [Dr. Ashe, Bishop of Clogher related the circumstance to Bishop Berkeley, by whose relict the story was communicated to me. (For the difficulty in believing this story see Craik, p. 526.) Mr. Sheridan also asserts the marriage. Swift's Works, 1803, ii. 29. On the other hand, it is not easy to believe that Swift

, in the three prayers written by him for her in her last sickness, written evidently with deep feeling and a strong sense of religion, would have kept hidden, as it were, from his God that he and the poor sufferer were husband and wife. Nor would she, for whom he prayed that God would 'grant to her such a true sincere repentance as is not to be repented of,' have in her last will described herself as spinster. For the prayers see Works, ix. 289, and for the will see Craik, p. 546. See also N. & Q. 8 S. ii. 302, for 'two memorials of assignment executed by her in favour of Swift, one in 1718, the other in 1721, in which she is styled 'spinster. It is not perhaps of great importance that Swift wrote in 1730 :—'Those who have been married may form juster ideas of that estate than I can pretend to do,' and that in 1739 he called himself an old bachelor. Letters to Chetwode, p. 237; Works, xix. 192.

Of Swift's later biographers Scott believed in the marriage. Ib.i. 217. Mr. Forster (Life of Swift, p. 140) 'could find no evidence of a marriage that is at all reasonably sufficient.' Mr. Leslie Stephen writes :

-On the whole, though the evidence has weight, it can hardly be regarded as conclusive.' Dict. Nat. Biog.

6

Sir Henry Craik, who examines the question at length (Life of Swift, pp. 523-33), sides with Johnson and Scott. My opinion inclines the

other way.

APPENDIX E (PAGE 32)

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In her will, dated May 1, 1723, and proved on June 6 (Works, xix. 372), this order is not given. Sheridan says that she had laid a strong injunction on her executors that they should publish all the letters that passed between Swift and her, with the poem. They were put to the press,' but Dr. Sheridan got 'the printed copy cancelled. The poem was, however, sent abroad [in Ms.].' Works, 1803, ii. 36. Some extracts from the letters 'found their way to the public' (Works, xix. 310); but none, I think, in Swift's lifetime. The correspondence was first published in full by Scott. Ib. xix. 311-69. Cadenus and Vanessa was first published in 1726. The earliest edition in the British Museum is of that year. It had been previously circulated in MS. Swift wrote to Chetwode on April 19, 1726 (Letters, p. 189):- Printing cannot make it more common than it is.' He adds that by the baseness of particular malice it is made public.' See also Works, xix. 283.

Horace Walpole, who read one of these letters in 1766 (in Hawkesworth's Swift Letters, ii. 214), but does not quote it accurately, drew from it a certain proof of guilty intimacy between Swift and Vanessa. 'He says he can drink coffee but once a week, and I think you will see very clearly what he means by coffee.' Walpole's Letters, iv. 505. The references to coffee in Swift's part of the correspondence are numerous— Works, xix. 313, 314, 315, 322, 343, 351 (thrice), 355 (twice), 361, 362, 363, and 365 (twice) (see also p. 369 for the Sluttery, and compare it with pp. 313, 315); once also in a letter to Mrs. Vanhomrigh, p. 320. 'Coffee' certainly in all the letters to the daughter had a hidden meaning. For instance he wrote on June 1, 1722 Re

:—' member that riches are nine parts in ten of all that is good in life, and health is the tenth ; drinking coffee comes long after, and yet it is the eleventh; but without the two former you cannot drink it right.' Ib. p. 363. On the other hand it is worth noticing that after the three earliest mentions of 'coffee' he wrote to Stella :-'I don't sleep well, and therefore never dare to drink coffee or tea after dinner.' Ib. iii. 71.

In the following lines in Cadenus and Vanessa (ib. xiv. 452) he covers himself with suspicion :

But what success Vanessa met,
Is to the world a secret yet.
Whether the nymph, to please her swain,
Talks in a high romantic strain;
Or whether he at last descends
To act with less seraphic ends;
Or to compound the business, whether
They temper love and books together;
Must never to mankind be told,
Nor shall the conscious Muse unfold.'

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APPENDIX F (PAGE 34) Wood surrendered his patent in 1725. His halfpence might have been better than the scarcity of coin and bad money which, as the Primate Boulter's letters show, continued for some time.

Thus he wrote on April 21, 1731 :—The ordinary people here are under the last distress for want of copper money. Tradesmen that retail, and poor people, are forced to pay for getting their little silver changed into copper, and are forced to take raps, or counterfeit halfpence, of little more than a quarter of the value of an English halfpenny, which has encouraged several coiners.' On March 26, 1737, he wrote :-'Two tons of our copper halfpence are arrived.' On May 16 he added Notwithstanding all the clamours of Dean Swift, the papists, and other discontented or whimsical people, our new copper halfpence circulate, and are most greedily received. Letters of Archbishop Boulter, quoted in Swift's Letters to Chetwode, p. 228.

"The Drapier,' addressing 'the poorer sort of tradesmen,' says :-'You seldom see any silver, and your customers come to your shops or stalls with nothing but brass, which you likewise find hard to be got.' Works, vi. 350. For the way change was given by means of French threepences, fourpence-halfpennies, and eightpence-farthings, the Scotch fivepences and tenpences, besides their twenty-pences and three-and-fourpences' see ib. p. 392.

In 1712 the Lord Lieutenant and his Council fixed by proclamation the value of eight gold and eleven silver foreign coins, and in 1737 of eighteen gold coins varying in value from £3 175. 8d. to 45. 7d., all circulating in Ireland. Simon's Irish Coins, 1810, pp. 68, 74.

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APPENDIX G (PAGE 34)

In the Report of the Committee of the Privy Council in relation to Mr. Wood's Halfpence and Farthings, dated July 24, 1724, given in Swift's Works, vi. 367, it is stated that by his patent 'a pound weight of copper was to be coined into two shillings and six pence,' i. e. into sixty halfpence. Ib. p. 372.

i lb. avoirdupois=7,000 grs., which+60=116 grs., the average weight prescribed for each halfpenny. The assay showed that '60 halfpence weighed 14 oz. troy, 18 dwts. ... which is above the weight required by the patent.' Ib. p. 370. 14 Oz. 18 dwts.=7,152 grs., which = 60 gives 1193 grs. as the actual weight of each halfpenny.

Two coins in the British Museum weigh respectively 121 grs., 123 grs. Catalogue of the Handbook of Coins in Brit

. Mus. (Irish Coins), p. 244, where it is stated-erroneously-that 'the weight prescribed is 128 grs. to the halfpenny.' It is added that no copper money had been issued since 1696. There were two varieties of Wood's halfpence, 'consisting of a slight change in the reverse type.' They are dated 1722, 1723, 1724. The workmanship is far superior to the English copper money, and they were made of the best metal that had as yet been

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