ART. I.-I. Montrose and the Covenanters :, family Charter-Chest, -a search which has Illustrated from Private Letters and other brought to light, for the first time, several Original Documents hitherto unpublished. important original letters to Montrose, By Mark Napier, Esq., Advocate. 2 vols. London. 8vo. 1838. 2. The Life and Times of Montrose: Illustrated from Original Manuscripts, including Family Papers, now first published from the Montrose Charter-Chest, and other Private Repositories. By Mark Napier, Esq., Edinburgh. 1840.

especially from Kings Charles the First and Second. Under these circumstances, which might have mortified an ordinary scribbler, Mr. Napier was far from echoing the reply of the French Abbe and would-be historian, who, when offered some curious MS. notes of the governor of a fortress, answered drily, Mon siége est fait! Mr. Napier, on the contrary, in an excellent spirit, and MR. NAPIER states in his Dedication of 1840 with most commendable zeal, sat down to that he was roused to authorship on finding re-write his book by the aid of his fresh that the old calumnies against Montrose have materials. The new work was published in not yet lost their credit, and that his name is 1840 with the title The Life and Times still mentioned as one to be abhorred' of Montrose,' but compressed into a single even in present times, and by high authori- volume, and omitting not a few of the docuties. From these obiter dicta (for such we ments and extracts to be found in the must consider them), even the most candid former. Both works are therefore necesand most justly-respected writers are not always free. Against them there must ever lie a right of appeal to ancient and authentic records. But we think it highly probable that no such unfavourable views would have been formed, and no disparaging terms employed, had there been then before the world those fuller materials which the patient industry of Mr. Napier has since that time produced.

sary to a full understanding of the subject, and it is from both (not neglecting other helps) that we propose to draw what we hope may not prove unwelcome to our readers, a sketch of the career and character of THE GREAT MARQUIS as to this day in Scotland the hero continues to be called.

There are very few men so eminent of whose early years so little is known. This is the more remarkable when we consider his high rank and lineage-the head of the

With a just admiration for Montrose and the Scottish loyalists, he has carefully and diligently sought out whatever could bear The late Duke of Montrose wrote to Mr. upon their history. The appearance of his Napier as follows, previous to the publication of first work, 'Montrose and the Covenanters,' 1838: "I am sorry to say that we cannot give you in 1838, incited the descendants of the hero any assistance in the task you are preparing to undertake, as there are no papers whatever existto a search, which they had strangely during, and in our possession, which can throw light ing two centuries postponed, into their own upon the subject."-Preface, p. xiv.

house of Graham, and by succession the part of a hero too much, and lived as in a fifth Earl of Montrose. Neither the time romance, for his whole manner was stately nor the place of his birth appear to be re-to affectation.' corded. We only know that at the decease On his return home, adorned by such acof his father, the fourth Earl, in November, complishments, Montrose was presented to 1626, he was in his fourteenth year. Dur- Charles I. with every expectation of a cordial ing the rest of his nonage he was under the welcome. But the King, whether because, as guardianship of Lord Napier of Merchiston, is alleged, he had been prepossessed against who had married one of his elder sisters, him by the Hamiltons, or because his own and who continued through life his bosom- manner was cold and dry until mellowed by friend. It was perhaps as being an only son misfortune, took little notice of him, merely that Montrose married in very early youth. gave him his hand to kiss, and then turned His wife was Madeline Carnegie, daughter aside. This slight was keenly felt by of the Earl of Southesk; and by 1633 we Montrose; and we see no reason to doubt find him already the father of two sons. (however strenuously Mr. Napier denies) Early in that year his young Countess ap- that it formed one motive of the part which pears to have died; but even of that fact he shortly afterwards took in the growing there is no positive record, and it is rather troubles of Scotland. inferred from the utter silence respecting her in all further accounts of Montrose.

Those troubles, as is well known, began by the establishment of the Canons and In the same year, and probably in conse- Liturgy, and resuited in the production of quence of his domestic bereavement, Mon- the Covenant. Nothing could exceed the trose went abroad, travelling into France and ardour and enthusiasm with which that Italy, and continuing on the Continent about bond was hailed among the Scottish people; three years. We can trace no particulars of Hume not unaptly speaks of it as a general his tour, nor of his habits of life at that pe- contagion. That a high-spirited young noriod. Only in the archives of the English bleman, attached to the Protestant faith, not College at Rome appears the following en- regardless of popularity, conscious of great try: 1635, 27th day of March, two Earls, abilities, and resenting the neglect of the Angus and Montrose, with four others, gen- Court, should espouse a specious cause in tlemen of distinction of that nation, attended the first dawn of its zeal, and before it was by four domestics, were honourably enter- clouded over by excesses, was surely not tained in our refectory according to their unnatural. Nor were the most artful solirank.' citations wanting from many quarters, and Montrose came back from his travels with above all from the Earl of Rothes, to secure great accomplishments and advantages both so hopeful an ally. As Principal Robert of mind and person. His chaplain, Dr. Baillie afterwards declared, 'The canniness Wishart, describes him as 'not very tall, of Rothes brought in Montrose to our nor much exceeding a middle stature, but party.'*

of an exceeding strong composition of body Once engaged, Montrose bore a share in and an incredible force, joined with an ex-all the factions of the General Assemblies. cellent proportion and fine features. His We find the Marquis of Hamilton, the hair was of a dark-brown colour, his com- King's Commissioner in Scotland, write of plexion sanguine, of a quick and piercing him with much asperity to his Royal Masgrey eye, with a high nose, something like ter (Nov. 27, 1638): Now for the Covethe ancient sign of the magnanimity of the nanters I shall only say this; in general Persian Kings. He was a man of a very they may all be placed in one roll as they princely carriage and excellent address now stand; but certainly, Sir, those that . a complete horseman, and had a singular have both broached the business, and still grace in riding.' If this portrait, as drawn hold it aloft, are Rothes, Balmerino, Lindby his own chaplain, should appear too fa- say, Lothian, Loudon, Yester, Cranstoun. vourable and in need of some corrective, we There are many others as forward in show, can supply one from Bishop Burnet, who amongst whom none more vainly foolish always refers to the Great Marquis' with than Montrose. But the above mentioned especial malignity, and even in one passage are the main contrivers.' At this period, goes to the preposterous length of question- also, Montrose was entrusted with two exing his personal courage 'He was,' says peditions to the north. The first had for its the Bishop, 'a young man well-learned, who object conversion rather than conquest; the had travelled, but had taken upon him the Earl was attended by three of the most

.*

* History of His .Own Times, vol. i., p. 91, ed. Oxford, 1833.

*Letter to W. Spang, April 25, 1645.

ardent of the seceding clergy; and he re- may have combined with his alarm for the turned in August, 1638, with a parchment monarchy and his disgust at the growing full of signatures to the Covenant; the violence which he saw around him, to alienmost worthless laurel,' adds Mr. Napier, ate him from the party which he had, perthat he ever gained.' haps too rashly, espoused. In the ParliaThe second expedition, in the spring of ments of 1639 and 1640 his name on seve1639, was more congenial to his military ral occasions appears on the side of modetemper; he was required to keep in check rate counsels. Even in the field he showed the Marquis of Huntley as the King's lieu- a disposition to lenity, though no abatement tenant north of Spey. Some newly-levied of vigour. Scarcely had he returned to Edfoot were placed at his disposal, and he bore inburgh, with Huntley in his train, before the title of General; but as he complained he heard that the loyal Barons of the north from the first to Gordon of Straloch, 'busi- were again in arms. With characteristic ness here is all transacted by vote and a energy he instantly set off again, crossed the Committee, nor can I get anything done of Grampians, gathered troops as he went, and myself.' After some skirmishing, he found on the 25th of May re-entered Aberdeen at Huntley not disinclined to treat; and it was the head of two or three thousand troops, arranged between them that they, each ac- the flower of which were the horsemen of companied by eleven of his friends, should Angus and Mearns. He had with him the hold a conference at the village of Lowess, Earls Marischal and Athol, and several other about nine miles south of Strathbogie. The Lords and gentlemen, together with a train two parties met accordingly, armed only of thirteen field-pieces. The day but one with walking-swords; and such was their after his arrival he held a general Committee mutual suspicion, that a gentleman from to decide upon the fate of Aberdeen, which each side was appointed to search the other had distinguished itself by its zeal for Prefor fear of hidden weapons. After a few lacy that unnatural city,' as Principal words of courteous greeting, the two chiefs Baillie calls it on that account. The Covstepped aside, and conversed in private for enanting Ministers of that day were unable a considerable time. The result was, that to understand how a town which favoured Huntley consented to sign a paper with cer- Bishops could deserve the smallest mercy; tain terms of adhesion, and on two separate they remembered the texts on the destrucoccasions rode over from his own to the tion of Jericho and Ai, and urged that in Covenanters' camp. But at his last visit it like manner Aberdeen should be given up was sought to impose upon him further to slaughter and conflagration. Montrose, terms; and on his refusal, the parole pledged however, stood firm against them; and, befor his safety was broken, and he was con- ing backed on this occasion by the young ducted as a prisoner or hostage to Edinburgh Earl Marischal and other men of weight, Castle. The bad faith of this detention is finally carried his point, so that the burghers manifest and glaring. We are assured, of Aberdeen were only fined and reprimandhowever, that Montrose withstood it to the ed, and exposed to free quarters, but spared uttermost, but found that his single voice from fire and sword. in the council of officers could not avail to prevent it.

It seems not unreasonable to infer that the resentment of Montrose at finding himself thus committed to an act of treachery,

One instance, however, of slaughter on a small scale is recorded by John Spalding. It appears that the Covenanting officers and soldiers on their first visit were decorated each with a blue riband round his neck. Upon their retreat some Aberdeen ladies in derision tied blue ribands round their lapdogs' necks. Hearing of this jest, the soldiers on their return killed without mercy every cur which they met in the town, 'so that neither hound nor messan, or other dog, was left alive!' (May 26, 1639.)

An account of their arrival at Aberdeen is given by John Spalding, commissary-clerk of that town, whose History of the Troubles' was printed by the Bannatyne Club in 1828. The Provost and Baillies courteously salute them at their lodging, and offer them wine and confects according to their laudable custom for their welcome; but this their courteous offer was disdainfully refused, say- The next step of Montrose was to bring ing they would drink none with them until first his field-pieces, and batter the castle of the Covenant was subscribed!' (July 20, 1638.) + Quoy que Montrose s'opposast de tout son pouvoir, Gight, a principal strong-hold of the Gorare the words of Menteith de Salmonet (p. 67), dons; but he quickly raised the siege on whose work was written in French, and printed at learning that a new enemy was at hand. Paris in 1661. James Gordon, a kinsman of Hunt; Huntley's second son, the Viscount Aboyne, ley, admits that Montrose was 'overborne by votes in this transaction, but implies a doubt (surely whom the King had lately named his lieuwithout a shadow of probability) whether his re-tenant in the north, appeared off Aberdeen sistance was sincere or simulated. with three armed ships and some troops on

up

board. Aboyne was only a boy of nineteen, repeated by Mr. Napier without objection, but had for his guide Colonel Gun, an ex- that Montrose at this time found affixed to perienced though versatile soldier,-a par- his chamber door a paper with the words, tisan in both senses of the word,-and on 'INVICTUS ARMIS VERBIS VINCITUR.' Such landing he was joined by his brother, Lord an inscription is clearly framed on a view of Lewis Gordon, and some Highland levies. Montrose's later exploits; in 1639 he had The whole united force marched off in high yet done nothing to deserve the high comspirits to encounter Montrose, who had made pliment INVICTUS ARMIS. skilful dispositions to receive them at Stone- Ere many months had elapsed from the haven. On their coming up a little skir- new inconsiderate pacification, the differenmishing and a few cannon-balls were found ces which had been not so much adjusted sufficient to send them back in confusion. as postponed, and the resentments slurred Montrose next proceeded to force the pass-over instead of healed, burst forth again age of the Dee, again entered Aberdeen, with redoubled fury. Again did both parscattered the Gordons far and wide, and be- ties appeal to the sword; again did news came once more master of the open country. come to Edinburgh that King Charles was In this skirmish, which was called the preparing for the invasion of Scotland, had Raid of Stonehaven, Montrose appears to collected an army on the Tyne, and had have been greatly aided by the effect of any placed himself at its head. On their part piece of ordnance on the imaginations of the the Scottish Parliament were not slack in Highlanders; even down to 1745 they called mustering their forces; nor did Montrose, a cannon 'the Musket's mother,' and looked when called upon, refuse his aid in that upon it with a kind of superstitious awe. hour of danger. He commanded a division In the southern counties at this time the in the army which, under General Leslie, war seemed coming to a crisis between the and in July, 1640, marched towards the Parliament of Scotland and the King; and Tweed, and encamped for a time on Dunse the Scottish army, headed by General Alex- Moor. During this pause in the military ander Leslie, had already marched to the operations a remarkable event in politics. Borders, when Charles decided on conclud- occurred. It is stated by Montrose himself, ing a pacification, too hasty in its resolve, as appears from judicial depositions, that a and too vague in its terms, to be lasting. bond was privately offered for his signature During this hollow truce (for such it proved), proposing that some person should be named his Majesty summoned several of the chief Captain-General, with arbitrary powers north nobles, among whom was Montrose, to at- of Forth, and implying that this person tend him at his Court at Berwick. The in- should be the Earl of Argyle. Stung at the terview between the King and the Earl took proposal, Montrose immediately took horse place accordingly in July, 1639, and although for Cumbernauld, the house of the Earl of no particulars of it are found recorded, we Wigtoun, where he met by appointment cannot suppose it to have been without several of his friends, as the Earls Marischal, effect. Each on closer observation must Home, Athol, and Mar-Lords Stormont, have discovered the high endowments of the Seaforth, and Erskine-and Amond, who other-each after what had passed would was second in command of Leslie's army. be more than commonly solicitous to please. With these and some others, Montrose and Seldom, indeed, has such a subject met the Wigtoun subscribed a bond acknowledging eye of such a master. their obligation to that Covenant already The moderation of Montrose in the Par-signed,' but stipulating for their mutual aid liament which met the month after (al- and defence in case of need, that' ' every though the same moderation was shown by one of us shall join and adhere to each many others who had not been to Berwick) other.' Having thus secretly combined, was ascribed by his ill-wishers to the per- Montrose and his friends returned to the suasions of the King, and to his own ambi- army, which they found prepared to march tious hopes. Division,' writes Principal forward and cross the Tweed. On reaching Baillie (Oct. 12,1639), 'is now much labour- that river, the chiefs cast lots as to who ed for in all our estate. They speak of too should pass over the first, and the lot fell great prevailing with our nobles. Home upon Montrose. He accordingly dismountevidently fallen off. Montrose not unlikely ed, forded the stream on foot, and returned to to be ensnared with the fair promises of ad- encourage his men.' A few days aftervancement. Marischal, Sutherland, and others, somewhat doubtful. Sheriff of Teviotdale, and some of the Barons, inclining the Court way.' But we altogether disbelieve a story told by Bishop Guthry, and

'

* Montrose's Life and Times, p. 138, with the passages cited from Baillie and Bishop Guthry. the incident to the passage of the Tyne, at the batSir Walter Scott, writing from memory, transfers tle of Newburn, where no doubt it makes a far better

wards he took part in the more memorable of May, 1641, when, far from denying or passage of the Tyne, and the repulse, or glossing over, or asking pardon for what he rather rout, of the English army at New- had done or said, he openly acknowledged burn.

and undauntedly maintained it. 'Did you,' In consequence of the day at Newburn, it thus he was asked in Argyle's own presence, is well known how the King's forces, di- and in the fullness of Argyle's power, did minished and dispirited, fell back first to you name the Earl of Argyle ?—I did name Durham, then to York, and how negotiations the Earl of Argyle,' he answered:-'I for peace commenced at Ripon, when the named Argyle as the man who was to rule Scots were free to dictate almost their own be-north Forth, and as the man who disterms. Charles had no other resource than coursed of deposing the King. I am not the once more to summon a Parliament in Eng- author or inventor of these things: I will land-the 'Long Parliament,' as it proved- lay it down at the right door!'-Ill satiswhich from the very first displayed an eager fied with such frankness, the Committee, on resolution not only to curb the King's pre- the 11th of June, issued orders for arresting rogative, but to punish his advisers. Within and securing, in Edinburgh Castle, Montrose a few months of their meeting they had al-himself, his kinsman Lord Napier, and Sir ready voted ship-money illegal; they had George Stirling of Keir, who had married cancelled the sentence against Hampden; Napier's daughter, while materials to serve they had driven into exile Lord Keeper for their impeachment were busily sought Finch and Secretary Windebank; they had out. Lord Sinclair was despatched to the sent Laud to the dungeon and Strafford to Earl's house at Old Montrose with a comthe scaffold. mission to break open his cabinets in quest Even during the negotiations at Ripon, all of secret papers; but Sinclair found only a danger to Scotland having passed, but new store of love-letters which some ladies had danger to the throne arisen, Montrose did formerly addressed to Montrose, and which, not feel himself precluded from writing a according to Bishop Guthry, were 'flowered letter to the King, expressive of his loyalty with Arcadian accomplishments. The Lord and duty. A copy of this letter (so unfaith- Sinclair' (thus continues the Bishop) was ful were some of Charles's servants!) was much blamed by men of honour and galsurreptitiously obtained, and transmitted to lantry for publishing these letters, but the the chiefs of the Scottish army at Newcas- rigid sort had him in greater esteem tle. Much incensed, they openly charged for it!"*

Montrose with having written to the King- If we endeavour to review the whole but Montrose at once avowed and justified career of Montrose, from the time when he the act; and since at that time the highest joined the Covenanters, until the time when respect for the Royal authority was pro- he forsook them, and when they threw him fessed even by those who most ardently la- into prison, we shall find the contemporary boured to destroy it since even when troops accounts, as drawn out in array by Mr. were levied against the King it was still in Napier, neither very full nor yet very clear. the name of the King-the other Scottish We cannot think, however, that they afford leaders at Newcastle were compelled, how- any adequate ground for imputation on his ever unwillingly, to admit, or at least to motives or his conduct. It is certainly posaccept, the defence of their colleague. sible, nay even probable, that, conscious as The results were however more serious was Montrose of eminent abilities, he really to Montrose, when, on his return to Scot- felt, as is alleged against him, jealous and land, the boud of Cumbernauld was disco- offended at the ascendency of Argyle in the vered and denounced by Argyle. At nearly councils of their common party; but we the same time some conferences which see no reason to distrust the truth of his Montrose had held with the Ministers of own solemn dying declaration, that what Perth (Montrose being then on a visit to mainly moved him was, when he perceived Lord Stormont at Scone), and which, like some private persons, under colour of relithe bond, tended against the dominant fac-gion, intend to wring the authority from the tion of Argyle and Rothes, were made known King, and to seize on it for themselves ;' to the Committee of Estates at Edinburgh. and that in the bond which he subscribedLoud and angry was their clamour at the 'the security of religion was sufficiently news. The Earl was summoned, and several times examined before them, at the close

* Montrose and the Covenanters, vol. ii., p. 49. Mr. Napier observes in a note, that by the word 'publishing' the Bishop could only mean discoursfigure.-'Tales of a Grandfather,' second series, vol. known, and not to be found among the pamphlets ing of, or disclosing; since the letters are now un

i p. 211, ed. 1829.

of Montrose's day.