former, and to affure you, that if you feek for a permanent and profitable fyftem of connection with this country, you muft confine your claims upon it to the line I have recommended. If you tranfgrefs it, you may extend the diftribution of patronage, and add to the fortunes of individuals, and the nominal riches of Great Britain; but your own interests will fuffer by it, and the ruin of a great and once flourishing nation will be recorded as the work of your adminiftration, with an everlafting reproach on the British name. To this reafoning I shall join the obligations of juftice and good faith, which cut off every pretext for your exercising any power or authority in this country, while the fovereign of it fulfils the engagements which he contracted with you. I have the honour to be, with the most profound respect, Honourable Sirs, your moft obedient and most faithful fervant, WARREN HASTINGS. [The Poftfcript will be inserted in our next.] Sketch of the manner of travelling in Swe den, from Coxe's Travels. of the roads, each perfon had a feparate carriage. There are various kinds of fledges ufed for travelling in this coun try: fome are entirely clofe; others quite open; those which we employed were partly open, and partly covered. A fledge of this fort is fhaped like a cradle; its tilt, which rifes from the hinder extremity, and projeɖs to about two feet, was open in front, but provided with curtains, which might be drawn, and tied together, whenever the weather was fevere. The outfide was fecured with matting and oil-skin, and the infide with coarfe cloth. Within was a mattrefs, feather bed, and coverlid, or quilt of coarse cloth. In this travelling.couch I fometimes lay extended at full length; fometimes fat crofs-legged, like a Turk; and at other times raifed myfelf on a feat formed by two cushions. Each fledge was drawn by two horfes, which, on account of the narrowness of the roads, were harneffed one before the other. The ufual rate of travelling is from fix to eight miles in the hour. The motion of the carriage over the beaten fnow was fo eafy as to be almoft imperceptible; and ON the evening of the 3d of February 1 never performed any journey in a more 1779, we took our departure from Petersburg, and, travelling all night, arrived on the following day at Wiburg. I took the following precautions to guard against the cold. I had on a fuit of Bath drugget, lined with flannel; two pair of worted ftockings; flippers, over which I drew boots well fecured with flannel and fur: thefe boots I generally wore in the carriage, but pulled off when I entered a house. If the weather had proved uncommonly fevere, I was provided with a kind of fheep-fkin cafe, with the wool on the infide, for each of my legs, which reached to my waift, and was large enough to enclose my boots. I wrapped round my body a great coat of blue nan. keen, lined with lamb skin, and occafionally added a large peliffe, or fur robe. I had a bear's-skin muff; and my head was enveloped in a black velvet cap, quilted with filk and cotton, which covered my cheeks, was tied under my chin, and might, if neceffary, be drawn over the face. Thus accoutred, I could venture to defy even the cold of Lapland, whi• ther our courfe was directed. Our train confifted of eight fledges, in- This is the author's account of his jour commodious manner. Soon after our departure from Wiburg, the weather changed from very near a thaw to a severe froft, the mercury in the thermometer finking to 22 below freezing point. This fudden alteration in the state of the atmosphere was no wife difagreeable: the warmth of our clothing enabled us to defy the most intenfe froft; nor had I once occafion to ufe all the coverings with which I had the precaution to provide myself. The face was the only part which I found difficult to fecure against the attacks of the cold; and more particularly at night, when I was inclined to fleep. In that ftate I generally covered my cheeks and forehead with the flaps of my velvet cap, leaving only my note and mouth free for refpiration; and over them I sometimes held my muff, or placed my handkerchief, which was attended with this inconvenience: As the breath inftantly congealed, the parts of the muff or handkerchief, in contact with my mouth, became in a short time fo clotted with icicles, that I was obliged repeatedly to change their pofition, in order to prevent an accumulation of the frozen particles. After having traversed the isle of Aland, the travellers arrived at Stockholm. C NEW THE 2 HE two firft volumes of this work were published in the year 1779, and received the approbation of the public, which on a farther acquaintance of the author, they will have no reason to retract. He has difcovered a confiderable fhare of judgement, in felecting, from the vaft mafs of materials which lay before him, such facts as are most deferving of general attention. He enters pretty largely into the detail concerning the affairs of Great Britain, as being molt interefing to thofe readers for whofe ufe the work is chiefly intended. At the fame time, he has given fuch a fketch of the principal facts in the history of Europe, as may ferve to afford a tolerably correct idea of the political changes which have taken place in the feveral ftates, and, confequently, of their prefent internal and relative fituation. The whole is written in aftyle, the chief characters of which are perfpicuity and neatnefs. Manly fentiments on policy and religion, and a temperate fpirit of freedom, uniformly prevail through the work. The following extract, taken from one of the most interefting periods of the British hiftory, that of the Revolution, will ferve as a specimen of the work. "The fame day that James left Whitehall, William arrived at St James's. It happened to rain very heavily, and yet great numbers came to fee him. But, after they had ftayed long in the wet, he difappointed them. Being an enemy to fhew and parade, perhaps from a consciousness of his ungraceful figure, and dead to the voice of popular joy, he went through the park to the palace. Even this trifling incident helped to alter the fentiments of the people; and being now cool, they judged more impartially. They confidered it as an unnatural thing for the Prince to waken his father-in-law out of his fleep, and force him from his own palace, when he was ready to fubmit to every thing: they began even to "In a feries of letters from a nobleman to his fon," might as well have been omitted, as the author, Mr William Ruffel, has now fubjoined his name to his infcription of the work to the Duke of Bedford. fufpect, that this fpecious undertaking would prove to be only a difguifed and defigned ufurpation. The public bodies, however, waited upon the Prince, and expreffed their zeal for his caufe: and a mong others, the gentlemen of the law, with old Serjeant Maynard at their head; who, when William took notice of his great age, and faid, he must have outlived all the lawyers of his time, wittily,' replied, "I thould have outlived the law itkif, if your Highnefs had not come over!" The only thing that now remained for all parties, was the fettlement of the kingdom. With this view, the Peers met intheir own house; and the Prince laid before them his declaration, as the foun-dation of their delibations. In the course' of debate it was urged, That the King, by withdrawing, had diverted himself of his authority, and that government itfelf had fuffered a demile in law; a free parliament was, therefore, declared to be the only means of obtaining a legal fettlement; and the refult of all was, that an addrefs thould be prefen ed to the Prince of Orange, defiring him to affume the adminiftration of government, and to fummon a convention. The offer was too alluring to be rejected; but William, cautious in all his proceedings, judged it ftill necessary to strengthen the refolution of the Lords with the authority of the Commons. For that purpose, a judicious' expedient was fallen upon: all the members of the three laft parliaments who were in town, were invited to meet, together with the Lord Mayor of London, the court of Aldermen, and fifty of the common council. This mixed affembly, which was regarded as the most equal reprefentative of the people that could be obtained in the prefent emergency, unanimously voted an addrefs, the fame in fubftance with that of the Lords; and the Prince, fupported by so great a part of the nation, dispatched his circular letters to the various boroughs, counties, and corporations in England, for the election of reprefentatives. While the Revolution thus approached to maturity in England, the people of Scotland were not idle fpectators. The Prefbyterians in that kingdom, who had long been perfecuted and oppreffed, compoled the bulk of the nation; and as the Prince of Orange was of their perfuafion, the most ardent prayers were offered for his fuccefs, as foon as his defigus were known. He had undertaken to deliver Scotland Scotland as well as England; and, in order to facilitate his views, the popular party, on receiving his declaration, re duced the few regular troops that remain ed in the kingdom, and affumed the rems of government. Thirty noblemen, and about eighty gentlemen, repaired to London, and forming themfelves into a kind of convention, requested, the Prince to take into his hands the adminiftration of Scotland. He thanked them for the truft they had repofed in him, and fummoned a general convention to meet at Edinburgh. This affembly being regarded as illegal by the more zealous royalifts, they took little fhare in the elections; fo that the popular party, or the Whigs, were returned for moft places. The proce dings of the convention were accordingly bold and decifive: they ordered, by proclamation, all perfons between the age of fixteen and fixty to be ready to take arms: they gave the command of the militia to Sir Patrick Hume, one of their most active members: they raised eight hundred men for a guard, under the Earl of Leven: they empowered the Duke of Hamilton, their prefident, to fecure all difaffected and fufpected perfons; and, without amusing themselves with nice distinctions, and the latent meaning of words, they refolved, "That King James, by mal adminiftration, and by his abuse of power, had forfeited his right of the crown." They there fore declared the throne vacant, and invited the Prince and Princefs of Orange to take poffeffion of it, though not without due attention to their civil and religious rights. In the mean time, the English convenfon had met; and, after a long debate, the Commons came to the following memorable refolution: "That King James II. having endeavoured to fubvert the conftitution by breaking the original contract between king and people; and having violated the fundamental laws, and withdrawn himself from the kingdom, has abdicated the government; and that the throne is thereby become pacant.' This refolution was carried up to the Houfe of Peers, where it met with much appofition, and many warm debates enfued. The most curious of thefe was, Whether there was any original contract between the King and people ?"a queftion more fit for the schools than a national affembly; but which the vote of the Commons had rendered neceflary. Arguments may furely be produced from reafon, to prove a kind of tacit compact between the fovereign and the subject; but fuch a compact has feldom had any actual exiftence. The English national charters, however, feemed to realize fuch a compact and thefe charters had all been recognised and confirmed by the bill of rights; 2 folemn and recent tranfaction beween the King, the nobles, and the reprefentatives of the people. The ma jority of the Lords, therefore, declared for an original contract; and the House almoft immediately refolved, That James had broken that contract. The oppofition, however, did not end here. The Lords proceeded to take into confideration the word abdicated, contain ed in the vote of the Commons; and readily agreed that deferted was more proper. The concluding queftion was, "Whether, King James having broken the original, contract and deferted the government, the throne is thereby vacant? This question, was debated with more warmth than any of the former; " and, on a divifion, it was carried by eleven voices against a vacancy. The vote of the Commons was fent back with thefe amendments; and as they continued obftinate, a free conference was appointed between the two Houses, in order to settle the controversy. Never perhaps was there a national de-. bate of more importance, or managed by more able fpeakers. The leaders of the Commons contended, that although the word deferted might be more fignifi cant and intelligible, as applied to the King's withdrawing himself, it could not, with any propriety, be extended to his violation of the fundamental laws. The managers for the Lords, changing their ground, infiited, that admitting the King's abufe of power to be equivalent to an abdication, it could operate no otherwife than his voluntary refignation, or natural death, and could only make way for the next heir; who, though they did not name him, they infinuated, being yet an infant in the cradle, could have committed no crime: and no just reafon, they thought, could be afligned, why, without any default of his own, he thouild lofe a crown to which he was intitled by his birth. The leaders of the Commons replied, That the oath of allegiance, which binds the fubject to the heirs of the King as well as to himself, re-, garded only a natural demife, and that, there was no provifion in law for a civil demife, which feemed equivalent to an attainder : that although, upon the death of a King whofe administration had been agreeable to the laws, many and great in conveniencies would be endured, rather than exclude the lineal fucceffor; yet when, as in the prefent cafe, the people, on the principle of self prefervation, had been obliged to have recourse to arms, in order to dethrone a prince who had violated the conftitution, that the government reverted, in some measure, to its firft principles, and the community acquired a right of providing for the public welfare by the moft rational expedients, The convention might surely establish a new precedent, as well as their an ceftors. Never could a more fair reprefentation of the people be obtained; and the people, it must be allowed, tho' they cannot deliberate in a body, have a right, on every revolution, and whenever their conftitutional liberties are invaded, to chufe their own governors, as well as the form of government under which they de fire to live, unless the monstrous doctrine of MANY made for ONE fhould be revived. The two houfes, however, parted without coming to any conclufion; but as it was impoffible for the nation to remain long in its prefent ftate, the majority of the Lords, in confequence of the defertion of fome Tories to the Whig party, at last agreed to pass the vote of the Commons, without any alteration or amendment, This grand controversy being got over, the next queftion was, “Who should fill the vacant throne?" The Marquis of Halifax, in order to recommend himself to the future fovereign, moved that the crown fhould be immediately conferred upon the Prince of Orange: the Earl of Danby, his political rival, propofed to conter it folely on the Princefs; and others contended for a regency. William, who had hitherto behaved with great moderation and magnanimity, avoiding to interfere in the debates of either House, and difdaining even to beftow careffes on thofe members whofe influence might be ufeful to him, now perceiving that he was likely to lofe the great object of his ambition, broke through that mysterious referve, and seeming apathy, in which he had been fo lng wrapt. He called together Halifax, Shrewsbury, Danby, and fome other leading men, and told them, that he had heard fome were for placing the government in the hands of a regent, He would not, he said, oppofe the meafüre; but he thought it neceffary to inform them, that he would not be THAT pofed to place the Prince fs fingly on the regent. Others, he added, feemed dif throne, and that he fhould reign by her courtesy: this he alfo declined; decla ring, that he could not accept of an authority which should depend on the will or the life of another; that no man could esteem a woman more than he did the Princess, but he could not “ think of holding any thing by apron-strings!" to make a different fettlement, that he and therefore, if they did not think fit would return to Holland, and concern himself no more in their affairs. altogether fincere, had its weight. Both This threat, though not deemed to be Houfes voted, "That the Prince and Princess of Orange fhould be declared King and Queen of England;" and a bill was brought in for that purpose. In this bill, or inftrument of fettlement, it cefs fhould enjoy the crown of England was provided, That the Prince and Prinduring their natural lives and the life of the furvivor, the fole adminiftration to be in the Prince; that, after the death the heirs of the body of the Princefs; of both, the throne should be filled by and that, in default of fuch iffue, Anne, Princess of Denmark, and the heirs of her body, fhould fucceed, before those of the Prince of Qrange, by any other wife but the Princefs Mary. The inftru ment of fettlement, befides regulating the line of fucceffion, also provided a gainft the return of those grievances, which had driven the nation to the greathave been more full on this head, it deeft extremity; and, though it ought to clared, and effectually fecured from the future incroachments of the fovereign, the most effential rights of the subject. Thus, my dear Philip, was happily terminated the great ftruggle between privilege and prerogative, between the crown and the people; which commenced, as you have feen, with the acceffion of the family of Stuart to the throne of England, and continued till their exclufion, when almoft a century had elapfed The Revolution forms a new era in the English conftitution. By deciding many. important queftions in favour of liberty, depofing one king and establishing anoand yet more by the grand precedent of ther, with a new line of fucceffion, it gave such an ascer dant to popular principles, as has put the nature of our go King of England, or of Britain, to ufe vernment beyond all controversy. A the the words of my Lord Bolingbroke, is now ftrictly and properly what a King fhould be; a member, but the fupreme member, or head, of a political body; diftinct from it, or independent of it, in none. He can no longer move in a dif. ferent orbit from his people; and, like fome fuperior planet, attract, repel, and direct their motions by his own. He and they are parts of the fame fyftem, intimately joined, and co-operating toge ther; acting and acted upon, limiting and limited, controuling and controuled, by one another: and when he ceafes to ftand in this relation to them, he ceafes to ftand in any. The fettlements, by virtue of which he governs, are plainly original contracts: his inftitution is plainly conditional; and he may forfeit his right to allegiance, as undeniably and effectually as the fubject his right to protection." The work clofes with a general review of the progrefs of literature in Great Bri tain during the laft century; in which, though we observe a freedom of thought that merits refpect, we perceive a degree of acrimony against characters of eftablished reputation, which ought not to pafs without cenfure. M. Remarks on the Commutation-at. Addressed the People of England. 8vo. 1 s. 6 d. Becket. This pamphlet is intitled to a confider. able degree of commendation. It is difpafhonate, nervous, and concife; and it breathes a liberal and patriotic ipirit. If the Author does not appear wholly tree from party attachment, he writes, how ever with decency, candour, and an undeviating regard to the plain evidence of The writer fets out with obferving, that "Money bills, like the coins which they collect, if appretiated with accuracy, muft be more than fuperficially examined." Pursuing the rule laid down, he fates the objects of the prefent bill, inquires into its real as well as probable ef fects, and enlarges on them with free. dom and impartiality. This act, conti Dues he, **profeffes to give an equivalent to government for an old duty taken off, and to the nation for a new duty impofed." It is likewife framed for the prevention of fmuggling: In which particu lars (the giving an equivalent to the nation, and the putting a flop to the practice of fmuggling) it is hewn to be radically defective. He then thoroughly investigates, and lays open, the caufes which have operated, and which, if perfifted in, muft ever operate, to the prejudice of an unfufpecting people; particularly the combination between government and the India Company. But let the Author speak for himself. Adverting to the compenfation for the tax imposed on the public, he thus proceeds: "Now, this equivalent to the nation comprehends two points of enquiry; whether the promifed reduction of teas already has been, or in future is likely to be, effectual; and whether, if we fuppofe it completely to fucceed, it can in its nature be a full and juft equivalent for the new duty on windows. And thefe two points I fhall trefpafs on your indulgence, to confider in their order. According to this arrangement of the fubject, our attention is naturally led, in the first inftance, to a curfory review of fuch provifions in the act as purport to fecure to the public the promised reduc tion on teas. And here new evidence will inftantly occur, of a continued combination between government and the company. For whatever reftraints this led as to exclude a poffibility of lofs to act lays on the company, are fo modelthem; their teas being in future to be put up at fuch rates, as, on the common principles of trade, would be fufficient for the ultimate profit: While, on the contrary, there is no one regulation to enfure the advantages held forth to the public, but every thing is left at the dif cretion of the directors, to enhance the prices of tea, either by the obvious method of fuborning fictitious bidders, or the more fecret expedient of creating an artificial fcarcity. Befides this, there is a kind of private tax, to the amount of fix and a half per cent. directly and abfolutely given to the company, by authorifing the difcontinuance of the eftablished discount to the dealer; and by this fratagem alone they have already, at only two fales, within the courfe of a few weeks, received fixty fix thousand pounds more than they would otherwife have done; all which difference muft ultimately fall on the actual confumer." Again "I prefume it will be admitted on all hands, that thofe householders who are charged with the new rate for windows, are precifely the perfons who fhould receive the reciprocal benefit of the commutation. But the very reverse of |