my Motto, has fhewn us by the strongest Now if we make Intereft or Self-Love the Bebeld, if fortune, or a miftrefs frowns, E When Catiline by rapine frell'd bis flore, Happy it is when this Ruling Paffion is turned towards Points of real Advantage to the Community, when the Lucullus's and Cafars of a People fee one common Interest between them and their Fellow Citizens. But where abstracted Self,or the Gratification of any low fordid Appetite is the ultimate View of those in Power, miferable must be the Condition of all beneath, in Proportion as they are poffefs'd of any Share of the favourite Morjel. If this Morfel be Power, no Means will be omitted to monopolize it; if Riches, great Property alone fhall be a capital Crime; if Senfuality, it will be a fufficient Misfortune to have a Sifter, a Daughter, or even a Wife of fuperior Beauty; if Increase of Territory, the natural Advantage of Situation, that should entitle to a powerful Protection, will always deprive of a Protector; if all united, Havock, Devastation, and Defpair attend the Steps of this Monster of Nature, this worthless Favourite of Fortune. It may be of Ufe to enquire a little why the Ruling Paffion, in great Perfons efpecially, is fo very apt to take a wrong Direction, that can never procure either Satisfaction to itself, or Eafe to any other affected by it; and this too notwithstanding it is ever true in Fact, that the natural and folid Intereft of the Governors and Governed must be the fame in every Community. Now here feems to lie the great Point in moft Cafes. The original Design of Government appears to have been in general forgot, and the Notion of Millions being oppreffed for the Pleasure of One, has fupplanted that of One being exalted for the Service of Millions. Kings, instead of looking on themfelves as Heads and Fathers of a Society, whom they are in Duty to protect and cheF rish, confider their Elevation as a Mark of natural, not merely political Pre-eminence, and thus grow up, in their own Opinion, into Individuals of another Species. That glorious Ruling Paffion for the publick Good, which firit diftinguished ard raifed their Ancestors in all free Communities, is dwindled into a little felfish Appetite, that would ill become a It is of great Importance likewife, for thofe who are about the Perfons of Princes and eminent Men, to inform themselves of the Ruling Paffion that influences him whom they ferve: But to difcover this, is the great and difficult Tafk; fome difguifing the Motives of all their Actions fo artfully, that the nitest Obferver cannot difcover them, and others being even unacquainted with their own Principle of Action. In order therefore to form Characters, we have no other Way, according to the fame Poet and Philofopher, than to take the ftrongest Allions of a Man's Life, and ftrive to make them agree. For even thofe Characters that are most plain, are in general confounded, diffembled, or inconfiftent; and the fame Man is utterly dif. G Merchant of Reputation: For the Merchant, ferent in different Places and Seafons. One Caution he gives us, in judging of the Ruling Paffion of other Men, is, that we fhould not miftake fecond Caufes for first, the Means for the Ead; an Error the wifeit may fall into. I must infert a few more of his Verfes. tho' he profeffedly makes private Intereft the great End of his Negotiations, is ever risking the prefent to procure a future, and therefore may honourably own his whole Purpose: Whereas in the other Cafe nothing is done, E 2 but but what the People perhaps had rather were undone; nothing is hazarded but the publick Love, and that is manifeftly despised. Were not this Practice equally abfurd as it is unjust, we should have no Occasion to wonder at it; becaufe a Man of great Power, who lives only for bimself, must be suppofed to facrifice every other Intereft to that A Self: But when even that Self-Intereft appears not to have been understood, and yet that fomething in lieu of it has been greedily purfued, in Contradiction to common Sense, this can be owing to nothing but what I have mentioned, a falfe Idea of what is good and defirable, and a wrong Bent there. to half the World from one of the most inconfiderable Places in it; can we suppose, I fay, that the Ruffians, tho' Slaves by Birth and Defcent, would bear with Patience the remote and insulting petty Tyranny? Should we think his Czarish Majesty prudent, nay, fhould we think him in his true Senfes, if he attempted to take such a Measure? The leffer Intereft should always give Way to the greater, or the greater, in Time, will be apt to overbear it. Charles V. the great King of Spain, and the great Duke of Burgundy, was but the little Emperor of Germany. And what was the Confequence; his Brother Ferdinand, King of the Romans, and Adminiftrator of the Empire, came into fo by given to the Ruling Paffion, which per- B much Authority in the Diet, that Charles, in haps will never afterwards be controuled. Of two Evils to chufe the leaft, has been always thought prudent in common Life; and of two Goods to chufe the greatest, must always be right on the fame Principle. What fhall we think then of a Man, whofe Ruling Paffion thall lead him still contrary to this Canon; who of two Evils fhall chufe the greatest, and of two good Things that C which is leaft defirable? With Refpect to the first, fuppofe a Gentleman in fuch a Situation between two Parties of different Interefts, both his Tenants, the one for 51. the other for 500l. a Year, that by doing Juftice he could please and oblige both, and by fhewing Partiality, in a Cafe, where there was no Right either to ask or expect it, to the five Pounds Tenant, he was fure of injuring and irritating him of five Hundred Pounds; fuppofing farther, that the little Cottager was tied down by a very long Leafe, and the great Farmer was Tenant only at Pleafure; would not this Gentleman act very inconfiftently with his true Intereft, if, of his own obftinate Will, he chose to do the unjuft Favour to the former, and to incur the other's juft, perhaps ruinous Displeasure? D E very Chagrin, it is thought (and a Line above quoted intimates as much) out of a Palace threw himself into a Convent; not with abated, tho' with mortify'd Pride. A Man may transfer this Scene to any Place that occurs to him, the Fact will for ever remain true. Charls had indeed fome Excufe for this Partiality to his bereditary Eftates, which other Princes have wanted: The Crown of Spain, with the Addition of the Eftates of Burgundy, was infinitely richer than the Imperial Crown, fupported by the Revenue of the Houfe of Auftria, tho' the latter confer'd the bigbeft Dignity: But then Charles, as I faid before, was but a little Emperor, tho' a great King of Spatn and Duke of Burgundy. We might in the fame Manner, fuppofing the other Cafes I have put, fee a great Count of Oldenburg, and a great Duke of Holftein; but a little King of Denmark, and a very little Emperor of Ruffia. The Kingdoms of Pruffia and Sardinia are indeed quite of another Rank: They confer the Royal Title on their respective Sovereigns, but are otherwife far lefs confiderable than the Duchies of Savoy and Piedmont, and the Marquifate of Brandenburg. Here then the maniteft Intereft, both of the Governors and Governed, preponderates in Behalf of the latter, tho' lefs dignify'd Dominions. But thefe, I believe, are the only feperate Kingdoms in the World, I mean Kingdoms independent of other Kingdoms, of which the F fame may with Truth be affirmed. A parallel Cafe may happen to a Prince, with this I have mention'd of a private Gentleman; and the Injustice here will be yet more notorious, becaufe more Perfons muft be affected by it; the Imprudence more confpicuous, becaufe more fatal Confequencesmay refult from it. If his Danish Majetty, for Inftance, fhould turn the whole Current of his Favour upon the littleGerman County of Oldenburg, which was the ancient Patrimony of his Family, thould we not look upon him as acting very injudiciously with Regard to his own Intereft; very unjustly, I might say ungratefully, with Regard to the Nation who had call'd his Predeceffors to reign over them? Can we fuppofe that if his prefent Imperial G Highnefs of Ruffia, who is also Duke of Halftein, another German Sovereignty, should, when his Succeffion takes Place, remove the Seat of Empire to his Ducal Palace at Kiel, and, like Tiberius in his Capræa, give Laws People are ready to blame Alexander for conforming to the Customs and Manners of the Perfians, after he had made himself Mafter of the Perfian Empire; and the Excess he ran to was undoubtedly blameable: But, abAtracted from that, the Conformity itself was a Proof of his Sagacity, and his Refidence among them was the Way to conciliate to himself the Minds of his Myriads of new Subjects. To have gone back over the Hel lefpont, and from petty infertile Macedon to have given Laws as far as the Indus, over Lands flowing with Milk and Honey, would, L STITUTION. IBERTY hath been often defined, by B broken in upon, fometimeswholly destroy'd, and at other Times has recover'd again. Our Barons often engaged in unnatural Civil Wars; either jealous of the Prerogative of their Princes, or defirous of increasing their own Power. At this Time, it must be confefs'd, the Constitution could hardly be faid to confift of more than twoEftates, the King and the Nobles; the Commons not being abfolutely form'd into the third, and only confifting in general of the Tenants, Followers, and Feudatories of their feveral Chiefs. And this proves how neceffary it is that there fhould be three Eftates; for when there are but two, when any Difference or Difpute arifes, as there can be no Check to controul or moderate, it will be very difficult to put an End to them. It was long after this, before our Conftitution open'd and began to gain Strength; nor till the Reign of Henry VII. did it seem to be well founded in this Independency: The Barons, who, by their continual Wars with their Princes, were much reduced and neceffitated, were indulged by the Legislature with Liberty to alienate their Lands; by which Me.ns their Power decreased with their Property, and the Wealth of the purchafing industrious Commons was augmented; and this furely was no mean Policy in that wife King, for it not only deliver'd him from the Oppofition and Dread of the Barons, but gave a Power and a D Weight to the Commons unknown before. the best Writers, to be a Privilege which Therefore it is quite neceffary, that this This Balance therefore, as it is the only whatsoever: This ought to be the principal G His Son Henry VIII. increased the Prerogative. Not content with it as he received it from his Father, he carry'd it much higher, fo as to make both Houses of little more Confequence than to register his Edicts; fo that in his Time, the regal Power overbalancing the two other Estates, the Conftitution was again almost destroy'd. Q. Elizabeth, tho' fhe found herself poffefs'd of the fame Power and Prerogative as her Father, made a wife and a quite contrary Use of it; the always, when the found the Beam inclining, threw her Weight into the weaker Scale; and, as the well knew there was no other Path that could guide a Prince to real Glory but the Affections of her People, this one, this great Point she improv'd and cultivated with her whole Might. She was fparing of her Subjects Treasure, infomuch that more than once the refufed Parliamentary Subfidies; the was extreamly regardful of the Health, Trade and Profperity of her People, and as jealous of their Honour, as of her own Prerogative. This Independency of the three Eftates was, during her whole Reign, maintain'd with great Care and Wisdom. In the Reign of K. Charles I. the People, jealous that the Prince was ftraining the Prerogative too high, oppofed him; and having gain'd gain'd the whole Power, after an unnatural Civil War, and an infinite Expence of the beft Blood in the Nation, totally destroy'd this Independency, and, with it, the Conftitution; for it ended in Confufion and Anarchy, and the People were forced to recur again to their natural Establishment. It is certain, this Sort of mixed Govern- A ment, composed of three Branches, the Regal, the Noble, and the Popular, is the most likely to laft; fuch a Government as this, but we think in many Respects not so good, was the old Roman Conftitution, composed of their Dictator or Confuls, Patricians and Tribunes; but that wife and great People loft their Eftablishment by Corruption and Luxury; and when we look into the Series of abfolute B Monarchs who fucceeded the Commonwealth, we fee a Race of Monsters, the Scandal and Shame of Human Nature. To conclude, we beg Leave to say, it becomes the high Guardians of our Liberties, to take Care ne quid detrimenti RefpubJica capiat, in particular, that this Fundamental in our Conftitution, this Independency C in the three Eftates, be not fapped, or weaken'd in any Shape; for whenever this hall happen, it is most certain our Ruin is at Hand, and Liberty is no more. Old England, Jan. 14. N° 50. The Danger of Court Adulation, and the plain Language our Parliaments formerly us'd to' their Kings. SIR, Dulation is the Poison which the Devil Adily infinuated into the human Frame, D juft as it came fair and faultlefs from the Hands of the great Creator; nor could the Tooth of the Serpent have circulated fo fub- E tile a Venom thro' the Veins, as his Tongue did thro' the Hearts of our first Parents.Ye shall be as Gods, has been the Language that has ever fince entrapp'd theSons of Adam. The Adulation paid to a Prince is the most dangerous Species of this Vice. He never has his Paffions flatter'd without thinking at the fame Time, that they ought to be fed. And Vanity has been known to be fo voracious, that it has fuck'd the best Blood, and drain'd the laft Penny from Nations: This is the Foot on which Sovereign Vanity can alone fubfift. The worst of the first twelve Roman Emperors came to the Imperial Purple with humane, nay virtuous Sentiments; but Adulation turned them into Monsters. It found out their Paffions; it flatter'd them; it G ftrengthened them till they rofe into Frenzy, and prey'd upon all the human Race. The Parliaments of Old Englard seem to have been exceeding fenfible of the Danger there might be in flattering even the Weak neffes of their Prince: They knew that the smallest Foible he poffefs'd was not confin'd to his own Perfon; that it might be strengthened, if not timely curb'd; that if it was once ftrengthened, it would seek to be gratify'd, and that it could not be gratify'd but at the Expence of the People. We therefore find upon the Rolls of Parliament, and in our oldeft, honefteft Hiftorians, very plain Language ufed by the Parliaments to their Princes; and the latter receiving the bitterest Rebukes for their Vanity and Partiality to foreign Interefts; not as defign'd Affronts, but as abole fome Chaftifements. Matthew Paris tells us, when Henry III. afk'd Money to defray the Expence of a fo-. reign Expedition, which bis People thought did not at all concern Old England, that his Parliament told him, It was very imprudent in bim to afk Money for any fuch Purposes, and thereby impoverishing bis Subjects at home, by bis fquandering it in idle Expeditions; and that they flatly refus'd to his Teeth, fupplying him on any fuch Account. Upon his remonftrating 'that he had engag'd his Royal Word to go a broad in Perfon that Year--and that he 'must have a Snpply,' they ask him, What bas become of all the Money be bad already gull'd them of, and bow it comes to be lavifb'd, without this Kingdom being one Sbilling the better? But the Freedom with which the People treated their Kings in those Days, was not confin'd to Remonftrances. We find them expelling Foreigners and Englishmen with foreign Hearts, from about the Perfons of their Kings, and restraining the Violence of their Paffions for expofing themselves abroad. One of the greatest and most victorious of our Princes, Edward I. had an inordinate Defife of making, in Perfon, a Campaign in Flanders, that he might support a Confederacy hé had enter'd into to reduce the Power of France, and had demanded an extraordinary Supply for that Purpose. The People conceiving that the Quarrel was very indifferent to England, ftrongly oppofed his leaving the Kingdom upon any fuch idle Expedition: The People of England, faid they, don't think it proper for you to go to Flanders, unless you can fecure, out of that Country, fome Equivalent, which may indemnify us for the Expence. We have a like Inftance in the Reign of that great and powerful King, Henry II. who had large foreign Dominions near enough to England to have given great Weight to what ever he fet his Heart upon. This Prince being strongly tempted to make an Expedition abroad in Perfon, became fo fond of the Propofal, that he laid it before his Parliament, with a moft earnest Request that they would confent to it; it being the fole and dashing Pur. pose of his Heart. But his Parliament thought that he had no Business abroad, and that it Weekly ESSAYS in JANUARY, 1744. was much better for bim to keep the Money at In what a Condition can we fuppofe the C have been at that Time, had any of its B Princes render'd England dependent upon a barren, beggarly Corner of his own Inheritance? The Quarrels of our Kings upon the Continent, in thofe Days, touch'd the Honour of the King of England, and they were maintain'd by the Regal Patrimony; the People, excepting upon very extraordinary Occasions, never contributed to the Expence; yet they imagin'd they had an Interest in the Perion of their Prince; they laid Claim to kis Prefence; they thought his Oath reftrain'd him from leaving his Regal Dominions without their Approbation; and they profecuted even to capital Penalties, every Man whom they fo much as fufpected of giving an Advice that favoured the Interest of any foreign Dominion, in Prejudice to that of Old England. D It was by these Principles her Honour was tranfmitted pure and unfullied thro' fo many Generations; nor in all the long Review of the Englifo Annals, betwixt the Conqueft and the Revolution, is there one Inftance of cur Armies ever acting in any Quarrel in a fecond or inferior Capacity. While this Prin- E ciple was maintain'd, the national Power eafily and gloriously supported the national Honour; every Victory we gain'd was attended by Profit-Damage that was fuffer'd, fell rather upon --to ourselves, and every the Prince than the People. HUGH BIGOD. Common Senfe, Jan. 21. N° 362. DIALOGUE between Mr. BRITON and Mr. STAPLE. Staple.ELL, Mr. Briton, how do you your Law-Suit ? Briton. Like it! not at all. Staple. Why fo? Briten. For two Reasons. Briton. If I gain my Suit, I am ruin'd ; if I lofe it, I am undone. Staple. A miferable Dilemma! but explain. F 39 hardly pay the Cofts; and if I fucceed, they tell me I fhall only fecure and recover fome Lands for other People and spend my Estate in feeing Lawyers, and at last shall only be a Slave at fecond Hand. every Way so bad? Briton. Oh! 'tis a long Story to tell you, but as you are concern'd deeply in the Iffue of the Caufe, as to your Manufactures, I will give you a very succinct Account of my prefent Situation. Staple. You will oblige me. Great, (as he was called) which continued Briton. You know then, that some Years ago I had a Law-Suit with Mr. Cock, the (and at a prodigious Expence) for many Years; however, at laft, I caft my Adver fary, I had a Decree, and tho' it was not drawn up as I could have wished, and worded to my Advantage, yet I found myself triever, I exulted greatly in my Victory, and umphant and in Debt, much of my Land being mortgaged to maintain the Caule; howhave fince imagin'd and boafted that I was able to go to Law with all the World. Staple. Aye, that Vanity, that Sufficiency this Law-Suit, which I am now engaged Staple. Not on your own Account! how! Briton. Hear me--Lady Britis and her Family, you may have heard, were great Friends to ours, and made fo by the strongest Tie, mutual Intereft; now a certain very great Man in her County took it into his Head to fet up a Title to herLadyfhip's whole Eftate; but he, whom they call Lord Paramount, not being able to cope with her by himfelf, call'd in to his wicked Design the Aid of Mr. Cock, (a Defcendant of him they call'd Cock the Great) who is very rich and G very litigious, and has long had a Design to make himself Mafter of our whole County. Staple. Aye, aye, we know him and feel him; he steals away every Day our Wool, and underfels at all the Markets, in Manufactures made up of our own Materials. Briton. |