class papers in different centres-e.g., the Berlin Börsen Zeitung, the Tägliche Rundschau, in Munich the Allgemeine Zeitung, in Dresden the Nachrichten, in Leipzig the Tageblatt; all these being journals of weight and importance, besides a number of others, the names of which we cannot call to mind. How firm this hold has become on the best type of the nation may be inferred by a voice from the camp of Bismarck's political antagonists. On the 21st May, the Vossische Zeitung, a high-class Berlin Liberal organ, after saying that the German Liberal party has its own account to settle with Prince Bismarck, proceeds: "But whoever endeavors to lower him, or to defame him, in order to burn incense to the present Emperor, will not find acceptance in Germany, either at the hands of Prince Bismarck's friends or enemies; but will at most earn the applause of Court lackeys."

If such be the opinion of Bismarck's enemies, that of his admirers may safely be left to the imagination of the reader.

The form of his recent outbursts of frank criticism may be generally deplored in Germany; but they will not cost him the loss of many followers.

The Emperor may assure the diplomatic world that he discriminates between the Bismarck of the past and the ungrateful vassal of to-day, and the Press of Europe may chime in as chorus to this. But he will not get the German people to follow him here. It is significant that the diplomatic circulars of Count Caprivi were hardly made public before a deputation of students appeared at Kissingen, with Professor Haeckel at its head,

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"We," the Professor said, know no difference between the Bismarck of the present and the Bismarck of the past."

This sentiment finds throughout the country an echo which nobody will underrate who is aware of the importance of academic opinion in Germany.

Bismarck's person is hallowed to the German nation by his share in the past baptism of blood. He is the one man left round whom the people-its academic youth leading the van-spontaneously begin to sing their soul-stirring national songs-the songs that fire them in the hour of peril to do or die!

This will be best brought home to the reader by the following words, which the

Leipziger Tageblatt reproduces (July 2) from the Deutsche Wochenblatt, and endorses as its own:

"It would be a mistake to harbor the idea

that anything could weaken the sentiments

of the nation for Bismarck. On the contrary, the more the period of his activity recedes from view, the more gigantic will the figure of the Iron Chancellor grow in the imagination of the people Nations usually only idealize their heroes after their death; Prince

Bismarck owes it to his retirement from office that he has already become an ideal picture during his life. It is not well to attempt to deface such, and it can serve no good purpose. The threats of the Norddeutsche Al'gemeine Zeitung to bring disclosures directed against Bismarck are therefore at least superfluous. But they are clumsy as well, for you get the more angry, and the country will have cannot intimidate a Bismarck; he will only to pay the piper for it. . . .

Bismarck has done so much for his conntry and for the House of Hohenzollern, that nothing he may do could possibly make him forfeit the gratitude Germany owes to him.” Now there can be no doubt that Bismarck has been irritated in a manner peculiarly galling to a proud nature. The "boycott," although a new-fangled expression, is an old artifice. But in order to be effective it must be devised with so much tact and cunning that it is not easily found out, or, if found out, that it may be promptly denied. This is how it is understood in Coburg traditions, but any clumsy imitation of them is apt to end in failure.

Prince Bismarck's utterances have for the last two years been repeatedly and ostentatiously set down by semi-official organs as valueless-as valueless as those of any other "private person blocked out from public life."

So long as personal motives only swayed him, he would probably have remained silent under this, as he has done under many other and grosser attempts to belittle him.

But he still takes a keen interest in the politics of the empire he created, and, strange to say, there is a strong party in Germany, ominously increasing of late, which thinks and says openly that it is perfectly within his right to do so.

In private life Bismarck is said to be the most amiable and considerate of men, tender-hearted even; but he "hardens" the moment the State heaves in sight. Thought for his own comfort, interest, or health, or consideration for his very life,

all recede before this fetich, to the worship of which the great magician has devoted his life. To tell such a man that he is damaging his reputation would be to whistle to the whirlwind. To assert that he is damaging his country might bring a scornful rejoinder regarding the poor value of such opinion. Also we are loth to believe in those so-called indiscretions. We fancy we can detect method in them, and thus we feel inclined to hold that Bismarck's slightest action is still part and parcel of a relentless political character led by genius.

Very dreadful all this, but such is the stuff of those whom Providence chooses to work out its decrees in blood and iron.

The most sagacious of statesmen is not necessarily the most prudent and utilitarian of men witness William Pitt. Read the records of Bismarck's private life, recall the boisterous bonhomie, drinking bouts and jaunts of other days. Note his plunging in to save a servant from drowning at the imminent risk of his own life. Where do prudence and utilitarianism come in here? If he had been a prudent man, he would never have allowed his wounded feelings to become apparent on his dismissal. Prudent men consult appearances at whatever cost to their feelings.

And this is sometimes made easy for them, when they have not very deep feelings to overcome; at least not such feelings as cannot be soothed by glittering considerations. If Bismarck had been of that stamp, he would have remained silent, calm, and impassive. His clear intellect must then have told him that his counsels would soon be missed in the affairs of State, and that his previous silence would increase the uneasy feeling of the public at their absence. In the meantime he might have gratefully accepted the ducal title and the millions in hard cash which, some say, were offered him, had he been the money grasping man he is often called. Thus the great statesman might have become an actor, and played with applause to the gallery of Europe.

That would have been prudence and cleverness of the Coburg sort-the cleverness of playing a part. And if he had played it, the chances are that the Emperor would have been forced by public opinon before now to make a pilgrimage to his grandfather's trusted adviser.

When we picture to ourselves what might have been, we realize why people stand aghast at the strange perversity of the imprudent man!

Or can it be that there is indeed a divinity which forbids that the elements of hypocritical farce should be mingled with epic greatness?

Unfortunately for the happy blending of human comedy with the historically tragic, Bismarck is neither a prudent man, nor a vain man, nor one capable of acting a part, nor is he to be bought at any price. Besides, as he himself has said, he lacks the necessary humility! Hence he resented his treatment, and no guerdon could soothe his wounded feelings.

He retains his interest in the affairs of bis country, and seems determined to give expression to his views in and out of season, whenever it suits him. And in doing this, he is still a long way off the style of criticism which in this country ex-Ministers daily indulge in (and which in France the late M. Thiers once expressed in the words: "There are no mistakes left for the Government to commit'), without calling forth doubts regarding their patriotism.

The greatest crime of Bismarck, in the eyes of some, is, that he is alive and in the enjoyment of good health; and that, being alive, he has been guilty of the want of Coburg tact in going to his son's wedding. For although a Louis the Eleventh could no longer put his prisoners in cages and gloat over their sufferings, today it is still permissible, in a Christian country, to long for the speedy death of one's enemy: Get thee under the earth, thou disturbest my lines!"

Now if Germany were in the enviable position, say, of Holland-a country which can safely be ruled by mediocrity Coburg or other-all might be well.

But the events of the last two yearsthe rapid decline of the parliamentary credit of Count Caprivi-indicate that Germany still requires the master hand, or at least a nerve of iron, at the helm! And this, although according to the panegyrists of the present régime all is sunshine and conciliation.

Unfortunately, it will take time to show whether the colors of this picture will wear or fade. For in the words of an experienced politician: "In politics consequences take time to develop; they do not show themselves at once.

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Conciliation" is a big and plausible word to conjure with in politics; and the Emperor is moved by an earnest desire to conciliate his enemies, even though it be occasionally at the price of offending his best friends. His friends assure us he has succeeded so well, that Poles, Hanoverians, Ultramontane Catholics, are all as devotedly loyal and contented to-day as they were previously fractious and dissatisfied. But how if it should prove to be a fallacy? For politics are a science, their practice a fine art, time is the measure of their value, and the eager young politician in this case is the most impressionable of men!

We have come across an enthusiastic enumeration of the benefits that have accrued to Germany through the Emperor's policy since Bismarck's dismissal. And there can be no manner of doubt that several of the Government measures, notably those of an economic character, and the annulment of the Socialist laws, have had the approval of a large majority in the country, and that possibly, in this particular instance, they represented a public preference for the "new" as opposed to the "old" course, whatever that may ultimately turn out to be worth! But this only lends additional significance to the Emperor's loss of personal popularity at home during the last two years. And this loss of popularity is an undoubted fact, even if we were to deduct every public demonstration in favor of Bismarck as signs of opposition to the Sovereign.

As already stated, it is not so much any single political measure, or any series of political measures, that point the difference between the "old" and the "new" course. It is the spirit of government which has changed, and which is causing uneasiness in many hearts in Germany

that have little to say against any particular act on its own merits.

In Bismarck's day the policy of Germany as a whole was regulated by the contingencies one man of genius foresaw. The husk might be rough, but the kernel was sound. To-day it is what will be applauded by the surface opinion of the moment. In a recent article in the Revue des Deux Mondes (March 1, 1892), M. G. Valbert, one of the keenest and most impartial judges of contemporary politics, thus points to this difference:

'Not only have innovations been made and new measures taken, but the very spirit of the Government has changed. Under Bismarck everything was subordinated to policy. and reasons of State were the supreme law. The young Emperor is an idealist, who has quite a different way of understanding the business of a Sovereign and the government of nations. Believing with his whole soul in Divine Right, he thinks that kings and emperors have duties as extended as their privileges, and despises those who seek the glory of becoming cunning diplomats or wise administrators. He is of opinion that all true they must not only govern their people, but Sovereigns have charge of men's souls; that

educate them, and make them worthy of their destinies. A Sovereign is before all things a great teacher, a high justiciary, and is alone competent to solve the social question," etc.

Here we have the personal ideals of the Sovereign paramount, and this Sovereign, as we have said, the most impressionable of men. Everybody will concede that he is anxiously bent on sifting "facts" from "fancy." But his personal example has already tended to break with the traditions which made Prussia great Prussia became great by simplicity, sobriety, economy and shrewd common sense. The Emperor is lavish in more ways than one. He went out to do battle with the selfseekers of all parties, of which Prussia has a host, as most other countries have. But, unlike some other countries, she cannot afford to allow them to fatten in high places. Well, it looks suspiciously as if he were becoming their victim or their tool! In every case there is a touch of the irony of fate, in the fact that the Emperor has come to find his principal support among parties that are said to be personally distasteful to him. Or are we to accept a declaration of Count Caprivi in open Reichstag as a spontaneous sentiment of his own, that the support of the Liberals causes him alarm ?

The Emperor has striven to gain the

support of the Catholic parliamentary party. He has endeavored to utilize the Catholics. Is he the man to succeed in this in the long run, where a Bismarck proved unsuccessful? And what makes this question most pertinent is that a large amount of the partisanship of which Bismarck is at present the object is not so much the outcome of dissatisfaction with the measures of the Government as the feeling of the intellectual élite of Germany -notably, the National Liberals--that the Emperor is more and more becoming a tool of those with whom the ideals of the best Germans have never found full acceptanco. And this applies to others beside the Ultramontane party!

No wonder there is a sinister want of harmony, and, above all, a feeling of insecurity, in Germany, in spite of present cloudless appearances. Pessimists even aver that the air smells of Jena, though this may be dismissed as ridiculous. Still, things do not inspire confidence. Too many people are of opinion that the Emperor has not proved himself equal to the arduous part he has doubtless conscientiously set himself to play. Everything points to the imperative need of some strong guiding mind, no longer visible. The slightest acquaintance with the country convinces one that the people want a "man" at their back in peace, let alone in time of war; and the Emperor does not impress the nation sufficiently as being this man. The soldier will obey; but as for the people, it is greatly to be feared that the Emperor has talked too much for any utterance of his in crucial moments to have that moral effect which is desira

ble to encourage men to lay down their lives willingly in the service of their country. And the moment for this may come Peace Congresses notwithstanding.

Patriots feel this. Hence the increase of the volume of opinion which would gladly welcome a reconciliation between the Emperor and the late Chancellor, if only to do away with the present ugly sight of disunion, and to bring the enormous moral force of Bismarck's personality into harmony with the Emperor in the hour of danger. The Emperor himself must see by this time that he alone does not embody in his person the full ideal devotion of Germany, but a reconciliation might regain him a great deal of it. It need not lead to any radical change in the present aspect of things if it only removed its uglier features, for the ex-Chancellor can have no personal aims.

Will the Emperor agree to a reconciliation with one who is still the greatest moral power in the country? That is th question. Bismarck is too great for a reconciliation of the Coburg type, or not great enough; for he lacks the one qualification-hypocrisy !"

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Is the Emperor great enough to rise superior to Coburg traditions, to rise above himself and above Bismarck too, by generously taking a leaf out of that history of which he is so fond? And there are precedents here. Come, Prince, we have both been too hasty! There is something above you, and even above me, to be consulted, and that is the welfare of our country."- Contemporary Review.

THE death of Wassa Pasha took place suddenly on June 29th. He was remarkable not only for his political position, as holding, with the consent of the powers, the Governor-Generalship of the Lebanon, but also as a scholar, He is one of the few Christian Albanians who have distinguished themselves in this respect. Besides the languages of Albania, he was acquainted with most of the European tongues and all those of the Slav family; thus he took a high place as a linguist. He was the author of several works, and it may be remembered that to the last Congress of Orientalists he

made by Miss Edwards, and that she never knew of its having been made on her behalf by others. When she accepted the pensionwhich she did with much gratification-she had no reason to suppose that the distinction was conferred upon her on any other ground than for her studies in Egyptology. If she had heard of the other consideration, she would certainly have refused the pension altogether, both on principle and as a matter of personal feeling. It is true, she was not rich;

but she had sufficient for her modest wants. The only pecuniary anxiety that ever troubled her was lest she should be unable to keep her capital intact for the foundation of the professorship of Egyptology, upon which she had set her heart. As a matter of fact, this capital was considerably augmented, from an ex. traneous source, only a month or two before her death."

PACHAIYAPPA'S College at Madras will this year celebrate its jubilee. The name and great part of the endowments are derived from a native banker, who died toward the end of the last century. But the present institution dates from 1842, when an educational trust was constituted under a decree of the supreme court. Beginning with a free school for the teaching of the elementary branches of the English languages and science, it has grown into a college which prepares for the higher degrees of the Madras University, together with a very successful commercial depart. ment. Though it employs four English professors, it is managed entirely by Hindus, and claims to be the great national centre of Hindu culture in Southern India. To commemorate

Messrs. R. & R. Clark. of Edinburgh, from a new font of type specially cast for this edition. Glossaries will be appended to each volume, and Vol. XXV. will contain an index to all the novels. The publication will commence next November, and the selling price will be five shillings per volume. An édition de luxe will be issued to a limited number of subscribers.

MISS ELLEN TERRY will shortly appear before the public in a new part, namely, that of author. She will soon publish a book under the title of "Stray Memories." Who has been cast for the part of publisher is not yet certain.

AMONG recent deaths is that of Mr. John Macgregor, author of "A Thousand Miles in the Rob Roy,'" which was published about twenty-five years ago and has gone through a number of editions. He also wrote "The 'Rob Roy' on the Baltic," A Voyage Alone in the Rob Roy,'" and other works. In his early youth Mr. Macgregor contributed to Punch. He had for some time been in failing health, and died at the age of sixty-seven.

MR. THOMAS COOPER, the ex-Chartist orator, and author of "The Purgatory of Suicides,'' a poem which he wrote during his imprisonment for sedition fifty years ago, died last month at Lincoln, in the eighty-eighth year of his age.

M. EUGÈNE REVILLOUT, the well known

Egyptologist, is on the point of publishing

the oration of Hyperides against Athenogenes, which he was fortunate enough to discover in a papyrus мs. offered to him for sale nearly four years ago, and acquired, owing to his

vide additional instruction in mathematics, physics, chemistry, and biology.

Each

MESSRS. A. & C. BLACK have in preparation a new edition of the "Waverley Novels," in twenty-five monthly volumes, to be styled the "Dryburgh Edition." An important feature of this edition will be the illustrations. volume will be entrusted to an artist whose qualifications seem specially to fit him for illustrating the period with which the novel deals, and the illustrations will be engraved under the superintendence of Mr. J. D. Cooper, and be printed separately from the letterpress. Each volume will contain ten illustrations. The text will be collated word for word with the copy on which Sir Walter Scott made his last notes, and which is now in the possession of the publishers. It will be printed by

ery was announced in the Revue des Études Grecques at the beginning of 1889, and recently M. Revillout has published a full description of it, and substantially the whole text, in a memoir communicated to the Revue Égyptolo. gique; but the formal editio princeps has yet to appear, and will constitute the next part of M. Revillout's "Corpus Papyrorum Egyptorum."

It is remarkable that, whereas no works of the other Greek orators have yet been discov. ered among the papyri brought from Egypt, with the exception of two speeches by Isoc. rates and a few minute fragments of Demosthenes, six orations of Hyperides, more or less perfect, have now come to light from this source. The new discovery has, further, this special interest, that it is one of the two speeches named by Longinus as masterpieces