will and pleasure to favour the righteous and punish the ungodly, even in this world, at least in their national character and interests. But by the all-wise appointment of Divine Providence, by the nature of things, and the constitution of the world, which is a part of the moral government of God, it is so ordained that virtue naturally tends to peace and prosperity, and vice and profligacy to the contrary; so that it is rare indeed to find a bad man contented and at ease in his possession, though many such as are wicked and wealthy may be met with; but it is still more uncommon for a nation to be given up to habits of vice and debauchery, irreligion, intemperance, avarice and cruelty, and yet continue to prosper in such a condition. These things are the canker of the commonwealth, and as necessarily tend to its overthrow, as rottenness in the trunk of a tree portends its fall. When once the national faith and public principle is affected with decay, when public men cease to regard the laws of virtue and morality, there is at least a step gained towards the degradation of the State, and eventually its ruin. If therefore we would have good citizens, good magistrates, good legislators; in short, if we would become a great and good people, we must use the only rational means which the moral Governor of the world has provided, by early introducing that leaven of sound principle into the mass of society, which will, in due time, by the Divine blessing, "leaven the whole lump."*

There are however Political Economists, who in their

*Note G.

scheme leave out religion entirely, and argue as if the subject was of no great importance, or at least might safely be left to find its own level, on the principles of a free trade; so that, according to them, it would suffice to concede to every individual, liberty to follow his own views and inclinations, and either attend to religious education, or neglect it, as he thought proper. No doubt the State cannot safely interfere with the consciences of its subjects, so far as to coerce them into compliance with this or that scheme of policy; the Government can only afford the means, and concede the opportunity of improvement, and then it must remain with each head of a family to determine whether or not he will take advantage of it, and also to what extent he will avail himself of its bounty. This is all they can do, but still this is not a point of minor importance to the national welfare, that the means of education should be provided so liberally by the State, that the poorest of the people, that class who are most in need of strong moral principles, and powerful religious supports, to guard them against the manifold temptations to which they are exposed, and cheer them under their numerous privations and trials, should be able to avail themselves of its privileges, at a moderate rate, and if needs be, gratuitously. The rich and respectable members of the community might perhaps safely be left to take care of their own education, though even they may be greatly indebted to the fostering care of a wise and forethinking Government, guarding against the encroachment of error, and supplying the means of cultivating the higher

orders of literature, by the endowment of colleges and professorships, and also providing for an age of carelessness and indifference, a winter season of the soul, which even the most thriving church, and the most religious state has too much reason to anticipate. But what can the poor do, if the burden of seeking out and maintaining their teachers be left entirely to themselves, especially if they should happen to have fallen into a state of ignorance and immorality? Can it be expected that they, who have sufficient difficulty in satisfying the cravings of nature, and supplying themselves and their families with food and clothing, will task themselves to obtain that instruction for which they have no relish, and of the value of which they have no knowledge or understanding? Or is it likely that they will become the careful guardians of their children's morals, who have no morality of their own? The supposition is perfectly absurd and unreasonable. therefore we are really in earnest in desiring to promote religious and moral principles among all classes of society, and chiefly among those who are least able to provide for their own instruction, the poor and indigent, and those who are the least likely to do so, though most flagrantly in need, the profane and vicious, we must exert ourselves, as a nation, to support some great public scheme, which has for its object the diffusion of Religious Knowledge, and sound Education, into every corner of the land.

If

The boasted principle of a Free Trade, that the demand should regulate the supply, is quite inapplicable here; and men of narrow views, and confined information

on moral and religious questions, have done much harm by going out of their own sphere of study and enquiry, and have degraded religion by making it a mere matter of finance, a question of worldly policy, treating man as a mere machine, and reducing all his hopes and interests to the narrow limits of their earthly speculations, leaving out of the calculation that grandest element of his destiny -Immortality. But God forbid that our Government should follow such an example. Man is by the Fall depraved in heart and affections, and has no natural appetency for religious truth and spiritual comfort, as he has for bodily sustenance, and sensual pleasure. There is indeed a voice of conscience even in the most careless and profane, at times heard above the din of worldly cares and excitement, which calls upon man to remember his Creator, his Lawgiver, and his Judge. But, alas! this faithful monitor within, is too easily silenced by repeated acts of impiety, and habits of sinning, and the man goes on wicked and heedless as before, unless some friendly arm arrest his course, and intreat him to consider his ways, and prepare to meet his God.

But He who is indeed "the faithful Creator," has not neglected his own handiwork, or suffered it to lie hopelessly in the ruins of the Fall. There is provision made for this backwardness, and unwillingness on the part of the sinner to return to his Maker and Friend. Not only does the Holy Spirit strive with inward motions and impulses to awaken the careless heart, but even previously to this unseen operation taking place in the sinner's mind,

H

there is often a stirring of desire on the part of others, a going forth of zeal, charity, and benevolence, on the holy errand of mercy, to recall a rebellious spirit to its forfeited allegiance to the King of kings. This embassy is pressed with the utmost diligence and earnestness by the faithful Christian upon his unbelieving brother, and never is the case given up as hopeless, until every possible means has been used, and the object of this tender solicitude is either mercifully restored to favour by repentance, or called away to his dread account before the Judge of all. See how the holy Apostle Paul expresses himself on this subject. "The love of Christ constraineth us, because we thus judge, that if one died for all, then were all dead; and that he died for all, that they which live, should not henceforth live unto themselves, but unto him which died for them and rose again;" and following up this view, he adds "Now then we are ambassadors for Christ, as though God did beseech you by us; we pray you in Christ's stead; be ye reconciled to God." (2 Cor. v. 14, 15, 20.) See, how his heart burns within him, and melts with the fervent desire he has for their souls' salvation! A true Christian cannot be indifferent to the welfare of his fellow-creatures. He is tenderly compassionate of their feelings, and careful of their temporal interests; but above all, he is alive to their spiritual welfare, and longs to benefit their immortal souls. Thus he makes use of every means which can tend to awaken men to their great concern. He is not satisfied to leave his fellow sinners to themselves and their