There is, however, (and it ought to be noted) an extreme opposite to whining, which is no less weak and unmanly; and that is, an affectation of inirth and gaiety at this solemn period-for solemn, at least, it most certainly is. Hume never appears to me under a more unphilosophic attitude, than when he sports about Charon at the close of his life. Was this to shew, that he died a philosopher as he had lived; and could ridicule the dreams about futurity, with which others are haunted, at this trying crisis? There was certainly some bravado, some parade of magnanimity, in this; as I suspect there was, when, speaking of his last illness, which was a diarrhoea of more than a year's standing, he says, that "were he to name the period of his life, which he should most chuse to pass over again, he might be tempted to point to this later period.* Is this conceivable? Scire tuum nihil est, nisi te scire id sciat alter? Is philosophy then nothing, unless exhibited ostentatiously to the public?

R.

ON PATRIOTISM.

Hoc opus, hoc studium, parvi properemus et ampli,
Si patriæ volumus, si nobis, vivere cari.

HOR.

PATRIOTISM is a virtue so truly estimable, that most men are ambitious of appearing to be animated in a superior degree by the sentiments it inspires. Few indeed can be said to be totally destitute of it, for there is a spurious feeling, emanating in fact from selflove, a mere esprit du pays, which, not unfrequently, assumes its place, and the workings of which are displayed as the effusions of a generous and laudable patriotisin. This spirit bears so strong a resemblance to one of the most elevated and disinterested virtues, that while it flatters the selfish, it gratifies at the same

"I know," said he, "we must all die; but then there's a great difference between dying in one's bed, a great many years hence, like a good christian, with all our friends crying about us, and being shot to-day or to-morrow like a mad dog; or perhaps hacked in twenty pieces with a sword, and that too before we have repented of our sins." B. xii. ch.3.

time, the generous feelings of human nature, and soothes the mind, by the idea of conciliating the good opinion of others. Combining these views, with the generally active and powerful influence of example, we shall not be surprised to find this so leading and prominent a feature in the characters of all ranks of society.

Whatever promotes the welfare, or enhances the glory of a country, encreases his own importance in the estimation of every individual who inhabits it, and the interest he feels in its prosperity, arises more from his intimate connection therewith, than from a benevolent anxiety for the good of the community; yet such is the silent and unperceived ascendency of the better emotions, the disinterested affections of the heart, that a passion, really selfish, is eagerly ascribed to them, and mankind, too much delighted with the idea to adınit a doubt of its truth, readily award to it the meed of virtue.

Such is the patriotism of common minds, in which may be discovered an additional instance of the unwilling homage paid by the inferior to the nobler qualities of human nature; but this may be seen in much stronger colours when we look to the higher walks of society, and observe the awe with which designing ambition bows even before that semblance of benevolent and manly feeling, which has just been described. Its borrowed dignity seems to awaken the unjust to a consciousness of error; before its tribunal even power trembles, " purpurei metuunt tyranni," and shameless hypocrisy is summoned to cast a veil over the actions even of successful guilt. Could we believe official records or public harangues, it is patriotism alone which makes the heart pant for empire-enables the monarch's head to bear the weight of a crown-animates the warrior when he leads his cohorts to battle-endears to the senator his rank, or induces the minister to submit to the drudgery of his office, the cares of national duty, the weighty responsibility of public station.

**

When pursues the vast design of his all-grasping ambition, he sacrifices every consideration of personal happiness, excepting, indeed, that happiness which is bestowed by the consciousness of doing good on the most extensive scale; he loves not power, but his country; poinp, splendour, and magnificence are not dear to

him, but the welfare of the millions whom he governs, engrosses all his thoughts; the greater the stride he proposes to effect, the more he expatiates on the arduous labours he so generously undertakes; he enslaves a country with no other view, than to gratify the benevolent desire of making it happy, and when he "cries havoc, and lets slip the dogs of war," he is prompted by no motive but an insatiable love of peace.

When through the dark mazes of court intrigue, and sycophantic servility, has reached the elevated situation to which he had long aspired, how anxious is he on every occasion to proclaim that he was not allured by the hope of obtaining power, of acquiring influence, of securing dependants, or of heaping on himself and his connections the honours and riches of the state; no, these sordid motives never guided him: at the call of his sovereign-at the summons of duty, he cheerfully makes the painful sacrifice of private ease, and worldly interest; the happiness of his family, the attractions of domestic life, ould not detain him from that post, where his beloved country required his services, and which, had he not stood forth as her champion, might have been boldly seized by another, less alive than himself to a zeal for the public good.

What could draw **** from his flourishing domains, from the "dulcia paterna arva," where a second Eden bloomed around him, to the thorny paths, the sinuous tracks of the political world? What could induce ***** to abandon a lucrative profession, which left him the leisure for literary pursuits and refined enjoyments, for an unprofitable seat in a senate, or a share in the arduous direction of state affairs? The desire of being useful to their country, they proclaim as the rule of their conduct, and we cannot hesitate to believe what facts and experience so uniformly confirm.

The mask of patriotism is seldom assumed in vain; "in hoc signo vinces," is the self-congratulating address of the crafty statesman on every emergency, and renewed professions of an entire devotion to his country, are the pledges he gives of his sincerity. Enlightened patriots! revered philanthropists! to doubt the purity of your motives would be a sarcasm upon human nature, an insult to the nations who entrust to your enlightened minds their noblest interests, and a bold attack upon the venerable institutions so vigilantly guarded by

your prudence, so faithfully strengthened and improved by your transcendent talents!

Uniformity of sentiment ought naturally to produce similiarity of pursuit, and a combination of energies; but the patriotism of the present day acts by a very different rule. The great end which all statesmen profess to make their only aim, instead of leading to cordial cooperation, awakens the most decided enmity; rancorous dispositions, and opprobrious language, too often attend the discussion of national concerns, and the parade of false eloquence, the recapitulation of long arguments through protracted debates, are employed to conceal from the public eye, that factious prejudice or interested zeal had made a previous decision in every mind. By changes the most incomprehensible, the active friend becomes a deadly foe, and the strenuous opponent is converted into the warm supporter; inconsistency of conduct is no fault where it can be excused by patriotism, nor may that senator be deemed versatile, who is too anxious for the prosperity of his country not to support the measures of every ruling party, though measures" should change as often as an April sky.

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men and

Nor is the conduct so conspicuous at the summit of the political pyramid, less displayed at its base; patriotism is there subservient to the same purposes, and manifested by corresponding traits. The contrariety of opinion, the bitter animosity, the uncontrouled rage of party spirit, are only symptoms of patriotic zeal; the seceders to Mount Aventine, acted from no other mo tive; the incendiary mobs of London and Birmingham, were impelled by no other principle; their generous natures would have been aroused to vengeance against the man who could impute their conduct to illiberal feelings or bigotted prejudices, and the victim of offended patriotism would have repented his rashness on the Tarpeian Rock, or amid flames as holy as ever blazed in Smithfield. The attachment of some men to their country, is only coeval with the triumph of the party they espouse: while their leaders are in authority, their fortunes, their exertions, their life's blood, are at the nation's service; but when the scene is reversed, they patriotically wish that their country may be undone, in order to punish her ingratitude to her best friends, or prove the truth of their own political creed.

I could wish, Mr. Editor, that the head of every

Cabinet were as ready as I trust you will be, to record such truths as these; I have not detailed them because 1 feel a malevolent delight in contemplating or exhibiting the dark shades of human characters, or because, I believe consistency and principle to be mere fables, adapted only to amuse enthusiastic dotards or inexperienced visionaries. I am, on the contrary, strongly convinced that human nature not only possesses disinterested affections, but that they will eventually triumph over selfish passions; the history of the world affords inany proofs of their existence, and we cannot be unconscious of it, if ever we have been stimulated by the desire of excelling.

With these views I have only intended the foregoing remarks as introductory to farther observations on true patriotism. There is a certain standard of perfection, by which all actions must be judged; whether mankind be capable of ever attaining to it, must long remain a disputed point among beings differing so widely in opinions; but as every approach towards this height of excellence, is considered as a moral improvent, to endeavour to reach it comes within their duties, and coincides with their wishes. To discuss the objects which patriotism has in view, when rightly understood and properly exercised, is then a useful task, and while it opens a wide field for the enquiring mind, it offers a more than common pleasure to those who delight in tracing the paths of great men, immortalized by the benefits their country has derived from their labours. Norwich, June 10th, 1807.

N. S.

IRISH MUSIC.

IT has been often observed that a strain of tender pensiveness is discernible throughout, in most of the music of this nation; a circumstance which has been variously accounted for; and the same remarks, and the same reasons, hold good in regard to its poetry.

"We see," (says Mr. Walker) "that music naintained its ground in this country, even after the invasion of the English, but its style suffered a change; for the sprightly Phrygian gave place to the grave Doric, or soft Lydian measure. Such was the nice sensibility of the Bards, such was their tender affection for their