jewels in great store.' Great was the favour with which the perpetrators of these deeds were regarded by queen, court, and people. As for Hawkins himself, by way of increase and augmentation of honour, a coat of arms and crest were settled upon him and his posterity,' the chief peculiarity in which was 'a demi-Moor, in his proper colour, bound and captive,' fit token of the iniquitous trade which he had made popular in England.

That voyage was followed by others, each one more ambitious than the last, in which first Hawkins, and after him a crowd of imitators-one, at any rate, destined to become even more famous than himself-managed to combine the pursuit of gain by violent and often unholy modes of traffic with the more patriotic work of crippling the overweening power of Spain.

In

October, 1567, Hawkins quitted Plymouth with two ships, the 'Jesus' and the 'Minion,' supplied by Queen Elizabeth herself, and four smaller vessels, equipped by Hawkins, his elder brother William, and other adventurous merchants, the whole being furnished, we are told, with fifteen hundred soldiers and seamen. One of the four was the 'Judith,' of 50 tons' burthen, with Francis Drake, now about two-andtwenty years of age, for its captain. Drake was a native of Plymouth,according to one account, a kinsman of Hawkins's. The son of a poor parson, and the eldest of twelve, he had, at a very early age, to enter the service of one of his father's friends, who made small trading Voyages between the coast towns of the east of England, and occasionally crossed over to France and Holland. He was so good a servant that his master, dying about the year 1565, bequeathed to him the bark which he had helped to manage, and with its assistance he had scraped together a little sum of money, when he heard of Hawkins's new expedition. Thereupon he sold his vessel, hastened to Plymouth, and embarked his all in the West Indian venture.

This time the voyage was not profitable. Nearly five hundred negroes

were kidnapped on the coast of Guinea. But, in the West Indian waters, bad weather and Spanish treachery destroyed four out of the six vessels, and though many of the mariners were also lost, there was hardly room for the survivors in the already crowded Minion' and 'Judith.' 'With sorrowful hearts,' wrote Captain Hawkins, 'we wandered in an unknown sea by the space of fourteen days, till hunger enforced us to seek the land; for hides were thought very good meat: rats, cats, mice, and dogs, none escaped that might be gotten; parrots and monkeys, that were had in great price, were thought then very profitable if they served the turn one dinner.' At last, in October, 1568, they drifted to the coast of Mexico, near Cape Roxo, where we hoped to have found inhabitants of the Spaniards, relief of victuals, and place for the repair of our ship, which was so sore beaten with shot from our enemies, and bruised with shooting off our own ordnance, that our weary and weak arms were scarce able to keep out water. But all things happened to the contrary; we found neither people, victual, nor haven of relief; only a place where, having fair weather, with some peril, we might land a boat.' Several boatloads of people, about a hundred in all, were here set ashore, chiefly, as it seems, by their own desire, and left to support themselves as best they could until help could be sent from England. The others slowly sought their way home, many dying each day of starvation before, on NewYear's Eve, they reached the coast of Galicia, where, by excess of fresh meat, the men grew into miserable diseases.' At last, on the 25th of January, 1568, the few survivors, obtaining assistance from some English seamen whom they met at Vigo, landed in Cornwall. If all the miseries and troublesome affairs of this sorrowful voyage,' said Hawkins, 'should be perfectly and thoroughly written, there should need a painful man with his pen, and as great a time as he had that wrote the lives and deaths of the martyrs.'

It was too miserable, and troublesome, and sorrowful for Hawkins,

now about fifty years of age, to be in a hurry for another West Indian enterprise. But Drake was just half as old. He had lost all his little store of money, and gained an immensity of hatred against Spain and the Spanish colonies of America. Hope of wealth and hope of glory, personal revenge and a desire to punish the great enemy of England, all prompted him to carry on a private war with Spain. A dwarf,' says Fuller of this enterprise, 'standing on the mount of God's Providence, may prove an overmatch for a giant;' and it is plain that Drake and his fellow-seamen did really think that they were doing God service by attacking the chief supporter of the Inquisition, the haughty destroyer of independence in the Netherlands, and the greatest foe to civil and religious liberty known in the sixteenth century. At any rate they did good work for their country and themselves; and, in their case, if ever, it

must be admitted that the means were justified by the ends. 'His doctrine,' according to one no very friendly historian, how rudely soever preached, was very taking in England, and therefore he no sooner published his design than he had a number of volunteers ready to accompany him, though they had no such pretence even as he had to colour their proceedings.' He wisely set about his work. In 1570 and 1571 he made two harmless trading expeditions to the West Indies, about which we have unfortunately no details, partly to make money and partly to study the tactics of the Spaniards. Thus prepared, he started in 1572 on the famous voyage by which the southern seas were for the first time opened up to English traffic, and in 1577 on the yet more famous voyage by which he sailed right round the globe. But these expeditions, and others that succeeded them, undertaken both by Drake himself and by a crowd of followers, were so thoroughly warlike, and had so little to do with honest trade, that we have not here so to speak of them. They did exert a notable influence upon commerce, but only by encouraging English merchants and

seamen to embark on distant enterprises, and to make themselves masters of the wealth of far-off lands.

One proceeding of Drake's, especially, is said to have had a very practical_effect on English commerce. Returning, in the autumn of 1587, from his memorable expedition against Cadiz, he fell in with a huge Portuguese trading vessel on its way from the East Indies. 'And it is to be noted,' as Hakluyt remarks, that the taking of this carrack wrought two extraordinary offects in England: first, that it taught others that carracks were no such bugs but that they might be taken; and, secondly, in acquainting the English nation more generally with the particularities of the exceeding riches and wealth of the East Indies, whereby themselves and their neighbours of Holland have been encouraged, being men as skilful in navigation and of no less courage than the Portugals, to share with them therein.' By the papers found on board,' says another old historian, they so fully understood the rich value of the Indian merchandizes, and their manner of trading into the eastern world, that they afterwards set up a gainful trade and traffic, and established a company of East India merchants.'

There had been a good deal of trading into the eastern world, however, attempted and effected, during some time previous to this year 1587. Edward VI. had established a 'mystery and company of the merchant adventurers for the discovery of regions, dominions, islands, and places unknown,' with Sebastian Cabot, son and fellow-voyager of the John Cabot who discovered Newfoundland in 1497, for its governor; and it was through the energy of this company that Sir Hugh Willoughby was sent in 1553 on his illfated voyage in search of a northeastern passage to India. Willoughby and seventy of his comrades, in two of the three vessels that made up the expedition, were lost on the shores of Lapland. But Richard Chancelor, captain of the third ship, was more fortunate. Separating from the others, and going in a more northerly direction, as he tells

to

us, he sailed so far towards that unknown part of the world that he came at last to the place where he found no night at all, but a continual light and brightness of the sun shining clearly upon the huge and mighty sea,' and then, moving southwards again, he entered a great bay, apparently the White Sea. There he landed and won the friendship of the natives, and before long, leaving his ship to be taken care of by a party of its crew, he set off with the rest on a land journey of nearly fifteen hundred miles to Moscow. From the czar he received all possible kindness, and after a stay of some months, he travelled northward again, to make a successful voyage home and comfort his employers, in some degree, for the disastrous issue of Willoughby's share in the undertaking. In 1555, as soon as he could get ready for it, he was sent on a second journey to Moscow, by the same circuitous route, with orders use all ways and means possible to learn how men may pass from Russia, either by land or by sea, to Cathay.' So zealous were the English of the sixteenth century in their quest of the fabled riches of the Indies, that they could hardly be satisfied with any more accessible source of wealth. Nothing but good resulted from this state of mind, however, as it sent travellers all over the world and opened up numberless roads to commercial prosperity. In the present instance, Chancelor effected a successful trading alliance with Russia, and brought back a Russian ambassador to the English court. Three out of his four vessels were wrecked on the return journey, but that mischance in no way disheartened the merchant adventurers. In 1558 they sent Arthur Jenkinson, with a goodly number of enterprising companions, on a journey of exploration by land into the Far East. This journey, rich in geographical interest, was not very profitable from a commercial point of view. Among the Tartars, the chief articles of commerce were children, of whom' Jenkinson says, 'we can buy thousands for a loaf of bread apiece.'

Adrakhan is full of merchants, but their dealings are of a petty sort, and there is no hope of a trade in these parts worth following. All round the Caspian Sea 'the fewness of the ships, the want of towns and harbours, the poverty of people, and the ice, render the trade good for nothing,' and about other parts of Persia and the far east the report is not more favourable.

Jenkinson's experience deterred other English merchants from attempting much trade by land with the Asiatic nations. To Moscow, and other Russian towns, however, they often went to dispose of English commodities, and procure some of the more important articles that the caravans and local traders had brought from Persia and Tartary. They also sought, in all sorts of other ways, to extend their commerce with the Indies.

About the enterprises of such men as Frobisher and Gilbert in seeking a north-west passage to India we have not here to treat. There were other voyages, however, less famous, but more intimately connected with commerce, that do concern us. In the year of Chancelor's journey to Russia, a company of merchants, partly following the example of

old Master William Hawkins,' sent two vessels on a trading expedition along the coast of Africa, under the management of a Captain Windham. Windham was an incompetent agent, and the adventure altogether failed. But next year, in 1554, three other vessels, under the command of Captain John Lok, were despatched on a like errand; and by visiting the coast of Guinea and trading with the natives they gathered so much wealth, that in nearly every following year a like expedition was sent out. The violent and unworthy conduct of John Hawkins, and those who carried on his work in kidnapping the negroes and making slaves of them, necessarily interfered with the proper growth of trade. But notwithstanding all hindrances, this and every other development of commerce fared well and was augmented year by year.

In the later years of his life, John Hawkins ranked as one of the mer

chants whose enterprise and wealth, used in these ways, promoted other enterprise and helped the accumulation of fresh stores of wealth. As a young man, he had spent most of his time on shipboard and in the daring enterprises to which we have referred. But after his disastrous expedition of 1566, he left the active work to others, and settled down, with two memorable exceptions, to live in London. As partner of his elder brother William, and, at one time, as we are told, joint owner with him of thirty trading vessels, he must have lived a busy life, although its details are not recorded. He had some famous associates in City life. Besides Sir Thomas Gresham, who was just now building the Royal Exchange, there was a crowd of other eminent merchants, men whose zeal and energy, shown in quiet ways, did not a little to make the reign of Queen Elizabeth illustrious. The names of Edward Osborne and Anthony Garrard, Richard Staper and Christopher Hodsdon, have already come before

us.

But more noteworthy than any of these, perhaps, was Sir Lionel Duckett, the son of a Nottingham gentleman, and, as the annals of commerce show, one of the busiest and most prosperous men of this time. He was Lord Mayor of London in 1573, and sharer in nearly every important venture of these times. Here we find him busy about furnaces set up for him in England, there he is employing agents to melt copper and silver for him at Augsburg. At one time we see him taking part in the manufacture of cloth; at another he is forming a company with the great Cecil and the Earls of Pembroke and Leicester as members, to construct waterworks for the draining of mines. Such was his wealth, we are told, that to each of his three daughters, he gave upwards of 5,000l. in Tudor money as dowry, and, when he was asked why he had not given more, he answered that that was as much as it was seemly for him to bestow, since Elizabeth, herself, on becoming queen, had found only 10,000l. in her exchequer.

But Hawkins was much more than a mere merchant. In 1573 he was appointed to the onerons office of treasurer or comptroller of the navy, filling it so well, we are told, that he made more important improvements in the management of the queen's shipping than any of his predecessors. In 1588 he served as rear-admiral in the fleet that helped to overthrow the great Spanish Armada, and for his gallantry in that business he was knighted. Two years later the queen sent him with Martin Frobisher, at the head of her ships, to threaten the coast of Spain and intercept the Portuguese carracks coming from India. No prize was to be met with, however, and the fleet returned as it had gone out, after seven months' cruise. was anything but pleasing to Elizabeth, just then in especial need of the money she had hoped to make by the expedition. by the expedition. Therefore Hawkins tendered an elaborate apology. Paul might plant,' he said, in its conclusion, and Apollos might water; but it was God only who gave the increase.' That scripture quotation, however, was too much for the queen. 'God's death!' she exclaimed; this fool went out a soldier, and is come home a divine!"

This

But Hawkins, especially where the honour of England was concerned, was anything but a fool. A few years before this, and before there was actual war between England and Spain, while he was out with a small squadron on a coasting expedition, he fell in with some Spanish ships, whose admiral attempted to pass without paying the usual salute. Thereat Sir John ordered the gunner of his own ship to fire at the rigging of the Spanish admiral, who taking no notice of it, the gunner fired next at the hull and shot through and through. The Spaniards upon this took in their flags and topsails, and running to an anchor, the Spanish admiral sent an officer of distinction in a boat to carry at once his compliments and complaints to Sir John Hawkins. He, standing upon deck, would not either admit the officer or hear his message; but bid him tell

his admiral that, having neglected the respect due to the Queen of England in her seas and port, and having so large a fleet under his command, he must not expect to lie there, but in twelve hours weigh his anchor and begone, otherwise he should regard him as an enemy declared, his conduct having already rendered him suspected. The

The

Spanish admiral upon receiving this message came off in person, desiring to speak with him, which at first was refused, but at length granted. The Spaniard then expostulated the matter, insisted that there was peace between the two crowns, and that he knew not what to make of the treatment he had received. Sir John Hawkins told him that his own arrogance had brought it upon him, and that he could not but know what respect was due to the queen's ships; that he had despatched an express to her Majesty with advice of his behaviour, and that in the mean time he would do well to depart. Spaniard still pleaded ignorance, and that he was ready to give satisfaction. Upon this Sir John Hawkins told him mildly that he could not be a stranger to what was practised by the French and Spaniards in their own seas and ports; adding, "Put the case, sir, that an English fleet came into any of the king your master's ports, his Majesty's ships being there, and those English ships should carry their flags in their tops, would you not shoot them down, and beat the ships out of your port?" The Spaniard owned he would, confessed he was in the wrong, submitted to the penalty Sir John imposed, was then very kindly entertained, and they parted very good friends.'

It was not possible, however, for any very real friendship to exist between Sir John Hawkins and a Spaniard. Blunt, bold, and resolute, his whole life was a sort of warfare against Spain; and his hatred, patriotic and personal, was strong enough to induce him, when he must have been seventy years old or more, to embark in another expedition against its West Indian possessions. He and Sir Francis

Drake left Plymouth-now doubled in fitness for all maritime enterprises, through the generous care taken care of it by Drake-on the 28th of August, with a fleet of twenty-six sail, containing about 2,500 men. The expedition fared well as far as Drake, and the cause for which it had been undertaken, were concerned. But a violent quarrel with his comrade threw Hawkins into a sudden illness, and he died on shipboard, off Porto Rico, on the 25th of November, 1595.

Sir Richard Hawkins, Sir John's only son, as far as we know, made for himself a fame almost equal to his father's. But his life had nothing, or next to nothing, to do with commerce, and therefore need not here be told. Nor, in future chapters, shall we have much to say about the great naval worthies of England. In the turmoil of the sixteenth century, when the old systems of commerce were dying out, and the new were as yet but half established, it was necessary for trade with distant parts to be carried on in ships of war, and for merchants to be soldiers as well as sailors. In the infancy of the English navy, moreover, it was the wise custom to take into the royal service all mariners of acknowledged skill and courage, so that merchant captains found it their interest, as well as their duty to sovereign and country also, to be admirals. But

this medley of callings, if it did good service to commerce by encouraging a spirit of adventure, and increasing the courage and perseverance of the merchant-voyagers, made impossible the legitimate exercise of foreign and colonial trade. The merchants felt this themselves. Never loth to serve their nation with the wealth which it was their special province to multiply for the good of all, and willing, when the need arose, to use the sword in defence of liberty and the resistance of wrong-doing, they saw that their calling, to be properly exercised, must be one of peace. Therefore they made it so as far as they could. For many generations to come, most of all in the business of the East India