1787

"b

him in principles and disapprove his general conduct relative to the revolution. After speaking of his own judgment and opinion with the diffidence of a man of sense, "I accept of this constitution," said he, "with all its faults, even supposing that I am not mistaken in my opinion "of its faults; for I am persuaded that a general government is necessary "to our safety, and that no form of government that is well administered " is incapable of producing the happiness of the people.' -This system, which left the people as great a portion of their natural rights as was compatible with personal security and a vigorous administration, was well calculated to remedy the defects of the former constitution. By that union of parts which was effected by it the observance of treaties was ensured, and that stability was given to the general government which could not be attained while the acts and requisitions of the congress were subject to the revision of thirteen legislatures. "The people of the "United States," says the historian of the revolution, "gave no new powers to their rulers, but made a more judicious arrangement of what they had formerly ceded. They enlarged the powers of the general government, not by taking from the people, but from the state legislatures: they took from the latter a power of levying duties on the importation of merchandise from foreign countries, and transferred it to "the congress for the common benefit of the Union. They also invested "the general government with a power to regulate trade, and to levy "taxes and internal duties on the inhabitants. That these enlarged powers might be used with caution and deliberation, the congress, which before "consisted of only one body, was made to consist of two; one of which "was to be chosen by the people in proportion to their numbers, the "other by the state legislatures. The execution of the acts of this compounded legislature was committed to a supreme magistrate, with the "title of president.”*

66

66

b Liancourt. 4. 289.

с Ramsey. 2. 341.

The

* Doctor Franklin's speech in the convention, on the subject of the constitution, is well deserving our attention, for the good sense and disinterested patriotism which it breathes throughout. "I am very ready to acknowledge that I do not, at this moment, entirely approve of the constitu"tion now offered to us; but I am not the less ready to own that I do not feel myself sure of my "continuing in my present sentiments. In the long career I have already run, I have more than "once been compelled, by subsequent reflection, to abandon opinions I had openly maintained,

"and

The constitution, of which this is an outline, being submitted to the people for their ratification, the same difference of opinion, or principles, appeared among them as had divided the convention. The provinces became a scene of animated debate: and it was again seen that the personal interests of individuals and the peculiar interests of provinces, arising from their different circumstances, had too great a weight on the conduct of the parties. The partisans of the constitution, being reinforced by those independent men, who, seeing the necessity of a more perfect union, were ready, in imitation of doctor Franklin, to sacrifice their own opinions to the public welfare, at last prevailed. Three of the states ratified it before the close of this year: eight more in the ensuing: and the remaining two in 1789.* *d A foundation

"and which I thought well founded from the deep consideration I had given them. As I grow "older, I am more and more disposed to question my own judgment, and to pay respect to that "of others. There are some men, as well as some religious sects, who imagine, that reason is "entirely on their side, and that their opponents plunge deeper into error, in proportion as they "depart from their opinions. Struck with these examples, which are but too common, I accept "of this constitution, with all its faults, even supposing I am not mistaken in my opinion of its "faults; for I am persuaded that a general government is necessary to our safety, and that no "form of government that is well administered is incapable of producing the happiness of the "people; and I think there is reason to believe that this constitution will be well administered "for a number of years, and that it will not end, as too many other governments have done, in "despotism, unless the American people shall reach that degree of corruption in which, at once "incapable of being directed by a free constitution and unworthy of its blessings, despotism "becomes necessary to their existence. I therefore give my vote for this constitution, both "because in the present circumstances of this nation I cannot hope to see one more perfect, and "because I am not sure this is not as perfect as any it can have. I make a sacrifice of the opi"nions I have expressed of its defects to the public happiness. I have never uttered my objec❝tions out of this house; here they had their birth, and here I wish them for ever to be buried. "If every one of us who have opposed the constitution, when we return to our constituents, were to unfold the motives of our opposition, and endeavour to gain partisans to our side, "perhaps we might prevent the unanimous adoption of the constitution; but by this we should "only lose the advantage which the appearance of unanimity will give us with foreign nations, "and indeed with our own people. The general good opinion of a nation, respecting its government, is as necessary as the wisdom and integrity of its administration to the happiness of its 66 people. I trust, therefore, both for our own safety, as members of the community, and for the "sake of our 'posterity, that we shall be of one mind in recommending this constitution wherever our influence reaches, and that afterwards our whole thoughts will be bent to its happy admi"nistration. I cannot forbear to form the wish that such of us as still entertain objections to this "constitution will follow my example, and doubt a little of their infallibility, and sign this "constitutional act, that no question may be left of our unanimity."-Duke de la Rochefoucault Liancourt's Travels. 4. 289.

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1787

A foundation was thus laid on which to raise the superstructure of national prosperity. Public credit might now be expected to revive, when there was a proper basis for confidence, in an united and effective government. Foreigners would be encouraged to trade to America, and to purchase lands in the country, when security was given to their persons and property. And every man in the provinces who breathed the spirit of patriotism would cheerfully submit to a rigid economy and a retrenchment of superfluous expences, to retrieve the affairs of the republic, when it was seen that the state was disposed to concur with them, and to afford them every possible assistance, in the accomplishment of this meritorious purpose.

The obstacles which had opposed themselves to advancement in whatever contributes to prosperity and national importance being removed, the Americans immediately prepared to avail themselves of the natural advantages which they enjoyed in a fruitful soil and a situation admirably calculated for foreign trade.-Agriculture being, to an infant state in particular, the most important object, being the grand source of national strength as well as riches, as affording by far the greatest portion of employment and subsistence, and consequently of population, the reclaiming of uncultivated lands and improvements in husbandry were considered as a matter of public concern, and every encouragement was given by the state to such individuals as chose to employ their capitals in it.-Agriculture, however, in a free country, where no unnecessary restraints are laid on the commerce of grain, produces its own encouragement and reward, and needs little more than protection from the state.-Manufactures and trade, though a secondary, are yet a very important object, especially where a large revenue is required. They are, moreover, more complicated in their nature, and their interests are more diversified. These, therefore, being considered as a very essential mean for diffusing affluence through the provinces and retrieving the national finances, were honoured with a proportional regard from those who interested themselves warmly in the general welfare. A society was, at this time, established, at Philadelphia, for the encouragement of manufactures and the useful arts: and the beneficial effects of their deliberations, and of the means recommended by them

f Tench Coxe's View of the United States. 35.

and

and adopted by the state for their encouragement, were soon evinced in their rapid advancement.

An unremitted attention was, in the mean-time, paid to the foreign trade of the provinces. And a treaty of amity and commerce was, this year, concluded with Portugal, by which the ships and subjects of the United States are to enjoy all the privileges of the most favoured nations in the ports of that kingdom.

1787

1 Annual Register. 196.

GREAT

GREAT BRITAIN.

1788.

1788

AGREEABLY with the wishes of the British cabinet, the spirit of the Turkish nation was roused; and they chose rather to commit their fate to the decision of the sword than submit to the tyranny and invasions of the imperial courts; they thought it more politic to become the aggressors, on the grounds of the constitutional provocations given them by the empress, than to wait the moment when their enemies should be better prepared for hostilities. In the war which the Turks and Swedes now commenced with the Russians supported by Austria, Great Britain prudently avoided taking an active part. But she indulged a hope that, in the event of it, she might be able, by her interposition, to dictate a peace to Catharine, by which this nation might regain its former commercial advantages in its trade with Russia, and might also derive some benefit in its trade to the Levant. The bias which prince Potemkin, the empress's great favourite, had to the Anglo-Prussian alliance was a very auspicious circumstance. But Catharine's prepossessions in favour of her Austrian ally and against the kings of England and Prussia was at present too great to be overcome even by his influence. These were, therefore, to be considered as distant objects, which were to be the result of a successful war on the part of the Turkish confederates, favoured by the friendly offices of Great Britain and Prussia. -In the mean-time the kingdom enjoyed a period of tranquillity which the minister availed himself of to enlarge our commerce and retrieve the finances of the crown.