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(as they had their ærarium and fiscus apart), and this not by creating of new treasurers or officers, but only by assignation and ordinance (but that to be inviolable), assigning some certain parts of the revenues for the discharge of such debts as touch the lifeblood of the state,—as the Navy, the Cautionary Towns, Ireland, the entertainment of Ambassadors, etc.; some part as a Treasure of Store, like the revenue of St. Mark in Venice, or as the Romans called it, sanctius ærarium or thesauros intactos, for war and case of necessity; and the rest of the gross revenue to go for the King's ordinary charge and bounty as it shall hold out. This will give the King a great deal of reputation and trust with his people; it will secure the state in the main service thereof; it will stop the mouths of suitors; and put the superfluous charges by; and, that that is above all, I am persuaded it will free and exhilarate the King's own mind. The other is that which I must induce with a preface. I am of opinion that the King should not for profit diminish one iota of majesty, and I think it more needful for him so to do being in want than if his coffers were full; and if it be observed, the whole spirit of this discourse worketh in that faculty. So that if his Majesty's abode were chiefly at London or standing-houses near London, I had not what to say. But since it is far the greatest part of the year otherwise, I know no reason in the world but he may keep greater state and majesty when he comes to London or to other standing-houses near about than ever he did, or any of his predecessors did, and yet nevertheless save and abate a marvellous deal of charges which now is obscured away.

Eighthly, I must conclude these points of a preparation of a Parliament with a point without which all the rest will be unprofitable; which is, that his Majesty be pleased according to his great wisdom and absolute power to extinguish, or at least compose for a time, the divisions in his own house, which otherwise, as it did the last time, will be sure to have such influence and infusion into the House or perhaps the Houses of Parliament, as we shall only grow and profit in inconveniences. For as long as any popish dissembler, turbulent spirit, ambitious or vainglorious valuer of himself, peevish puritan, seditious bankrout, weak popular or patriot, shall make account that in opposing the King's causes he shall have a retreat or harborower' overt or se1 So in MS., probably "harbour.”

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cret in the favour of some great person, let his Majesty look for nothing but tempest. Therefore it must be so handled that factions be so mortified, or at least laid asleep, that1 all do counsel a Parliament and come cheerfully to it, and join sincerely in helping forwards the King's business, and be all alike sensible of any opposition or frustration thereof, and in a word that the people may as it were read in their faces consent and assurance. As for any undertaking, or opinion of undertaking, it is by all means to be laid aside, [though] it were to be wished that the gentlemen that were noted therefore were not altogether vilipended or discouraged or exasperated; and the like and equal course to be held towards those that were their opposites.

There resteth now to propound in the affirmative what are the fittest things to be made the subject and declared the cause of the calling of the Parliament, in lieu of want and money and supply, which have been lost by following, and will sooner meet the King than the King shall ever be able to overtake them by chasing them. And after this it resteth in the last place to set down what courses are to be held in the manner of calling and opening the Parliament, and there to leave it to God, and to emergent occasions.

The subject of this Parliament must have three properties. The first is that which I always begin with, that it be de vero good, bonum in se; and not speculatively or commonplace-like good, but politicly good; that is, apt and agreeable for the state of the King and kingdom. The second, that it be matter acceptable and comfortable abroad. And the third, that it be of that nature as, besides the matter itself, it doth incidently and aptly and necessarily give the occasion and awake the desire in the King's subjects to give unto him and to provide for him.

Ninthly, therefore, I do wish the subject of this Parliament to consist of two parts in general, 1. increase and advance of trade and commerce; 2. and preparation and politic constitutions for the defence and strength of the realm.

Than these two things nothing can be more proper for these times, nor of a more proper argument to knock at the subjects' hearts for the providing the King of treasure. The particulars of this I reserve to be deduced in a memorial by itself; because I will not break off the series of these articles of advice touching a Parliament.

1 and that in MS.

Tenthly, I wish that the summons of the Parliament be accompanied with a proclamation, penned in majesty, without devices or flatteries of people, containing some touch of the general causes of calling the Parliament before remembered, and some monitions touching the choice of Parliament men; of which kind there went forth an excellent proclamation in the first year of his Majesty's reign, save that it was too peremptory in one point of refusing returns.

Eleventhly, I wish by all means that the House may be compounded, not of young men, but of the greatest gentlemen of quality of their country, and ancient Parliament men, and the principal and gravest lawyers, serjeants and readers, and the chiefest merchants, and likewise travellers and statesmen; and, in a word, that it be a sufficient house, worthy to consult within the great causes of the commonwealth.

Twelfthly and lastly, I wish the first day of the opening of the Parliament his Majesty would be pleased to speak in person, and to deliver, according to his excellent and incomparable ability, the causes of the assembling thereof; being in effect that he will not suffer his people any longer to leese the benefit of peace in trade, nor to be unprovided for the accidents of war; but forgetting his particular hath called it for their wealth and defence; making some princely and reserved description of the affairs of Christendom at this time; which is an argument worthy of the voice of so great and wise a King before his people. But for me to speak of this, it is right sui Minervam; and after that. (as I have heard his Majesty himself protest he would not) so I think he is in the right if he speak no more; except it be upon some occasion of thanks or other weighty particular; keeping Horace his rule, Nec Deus intersit, nisi dignus vindice nodus inciderit. But then I wish also that the Lord Chancellor speak the same day, taking to him the part which may seem to have any harshness in it, which is touching the restriction and prohibition of the course of collecting and bundling of petitions or grievances, howsoever they be pleased to call them, and the monition concerning the licentious liberty of speaking and uncomely impatience of hearing, and likewise for the making so many general committees of the whole house, which hindereth all business.

Thus have I set down to your Majesty my poor advice touching the greatest cause, or as I may term it the cause of causes,

as things now stand; which by the simplicity thereof may deserve your pardon; humbly praying you to accept that heart that burneth perpetual as a vestal fire upon the altar of devotion and thankfulness towards you, whom God ever preserve.

2.

If this advice was volunteered by Bacon before the King had said or done anything in the matter, it required some courage to offer it: for another experiment like the last with like results could hardly fail to ruin the credit of the adviser in the King's eyes. But the case being the same as it was, only stronger, the remedy to be applied was the same, only more needed; and Bacon's advice the same, only bolder and fuller and more earnest, and carried more carefully into detail. If any one imagines that the course actually taken with the last Parliament was according to his advice, he may satisfy himself that it was not so, by observing that in recommending that a course "just contrary" should be taken with the next, he repeats in all its main features, and with no more variation than was required by the altered conditions of the time, the whole of his former counsel; recommending the same attitude of independence and indifference on the King's part with regard to supplies; the same abstinence from everything that should have the appearance of bargaining and setting out concessions for sale; the same kind of causes to be given out as the occasion of calling the Parliament; the same kind of preparations for meeting it; the same avoidance of all meddling and interference either with elections or deliberations; the same disposition of spirit and temper to meet possible disappointment with dignity and composure, and ensure a gracious and respectful parting in any event. The particular subjects which he wishes to be submitted to the consideration of Parliament are also in perfect keeping with his former advice and with the policy which he had always recommended. They were to be the increase of trade and the security and greatness of the kingdom. The separate memorial in which he proposes to give the details has not survived; but it is pretty clear that he would have made the first a means of disposing of the question of Impositions-the Government and the people dropping and forgetting the point on which they differed in order to pursue together an object in which they agreed; and that he would have used the last to get rid in like manner of the jealousies which bad made the Lower House so close-handed of late years, by engaging them in an enterprise after their own heart, for which the late

occurrences abroad supplied a fresh opportunity. I have noticed more than once Bacon's idea that a bolder attitude in foreign affairs would be politic, if only as a diversion of domestic discontents. Now the death of so great a man as Henry IV., who, though a professed convert to the Church of Rome, continued to be in his political capacity the great ally and leader of Protestantism, was enough to unsettle the balance of power in Europe; and in the disturbances by which it was followed the zealous Protestantism of England would have been proud to see the country play a part. It is probable that a well-declared resolution at that time on the part of England to stand on jealous watch against any increase of the Spanish power would not only have kept that power within its banks, but converted English Puritanism and Anti-popery into zealous supporters of the Government. And now they saw France threatening to throw her weight into the wrong scale. Instead of acting as the great counterpoise to Spain and Austria, as she had done under Henry IV., she appeared to be uniting with them. News came that the young King was going to marry Anne of Austria, while his sister Elizabeth was going to marry the Infant of Spain: a conjunction very alarming to Protestantism, the importance of which, as well as the use that might be made of it, was well enough understood by James; as we know by the terms in which he directed his ambassador to remonstrate. A pamphlet printed in 1615, entitled "News out of France concerning the Marriages," etc., contains a translation of the speech addressed by the English ambassador to the King and Queen Mother in June of that year: from which the following sentences are extracted:

"His Majesty hath been advertised that your M. is resolved speedily to take your journey and to make an exchange of Princes with Spain. . . . Now France diverting itself from him by the precipitation of these marriages with Spain shall leave unto him alone the burden and charge of all such affairs and differences as yet remain in Christendom undecided. However his M. is not ignorant of the advantage which elsewhere is offered unto him by this alienation, if he were a Prince ambitious to win unto himself alone the goodwill and friendship of all those ancient allies which by this action seem abandoned," etc.

Bacon, I fancy, would have had him yield to the ambition and improve the advantage. And though speculations upon what would have been the issue in times past of counsels that were not followed are even more doubtful than predictions of what will be the issue of the counsels of to-day (only that the error is safe from detection), it can hardly be questioned that if the opportunity had been judiciously

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