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as you like. The revolution of Portugal might be considered important, as Spain has now nothing to fear from that quarter in having a counter revolution excited by the holy alliance of despots. On the side of the Pyrennees those despots can do nothing, and should Austria meddle with the internal affairs of Naples, it will become the duty of Spain, in self preservation, to excite France to a revolt. The embers of revolution are, scattered throughout the continent, and a total extinction of them cannot take place. Every breeze revives and increases them, and every attempt to quench will but render them more vivid. What will the despot of Russia say now when he hears of Naples, of Sicily, and of Portugal? It would be extremely important that France should regenerate at this moment, because it would fill up the blank between Naples and Spain, and keep up a line of communication. When France drives the Bourbons again, it will be all over with European despotism.

Thus the sacred cause proceeds, and like an avalanche gathers force as it rolls, Impotent and vain will be the attempt of the Austrian, or any other despot, to try to stop it; it may cause the destruction of a few cities, towns, and villages, and a few thousand human beings, but it will tend to increase that force which it reckons on destroying. The spirit that now fills the armies of Europe is admirable: it is general, for wherever a rallying point commences all flock to it; there is no opposition, no shedding of blood. The island of Sicily has unfortunately been the greatest scene of bloodshed, but this has been in consequence of having foreign troops to encounter. Not a life would have been lost if there had been no Neapolitan troops there. Such is the base desire for conquest and dominion, that even the present Neapolitan government has a lingering disposition to keep Sicily in subjection as a province. The more surprize might be felt at this disposition on the part of Naples, as she herself is menaced in a similar manner by the Austrian despot, and the Austrian troops are actually marching upon her.

The Austrian minister, Prince Metternich, has issued a manifesto in the name of his government to all the Germanic bodies, and intimates a disposition to keep things as they are at any sacrifice; the following is a copy of it.

Confidential Letter of Prince Metternich, prime Minister of Austria, to Baron Berstett, the chief Minister of the grand Duke of Baden.

Your Excellency has expressed the desire of his Royal Highness the Grand Duke to know in a general but precise manner, the ideas of the

Imperial cabinet on the political state of Germany. This invitation on the part of a prince who gives daily the most laudable proofs of his firm inclination to protect its welfare, and his profound sense of the elements which compose it, honours me as much as it imposes on me the duty of communicating to your Excellency, without reserve, the point of view under which we consider the actual state of things. Time advances in the midst of storms-to endeavour to arrest its impetuosity would be a vain attempt. Firmness, moderation, prudence, and a union of accurately ascertained force, are still left in the power of the protectors and the friends of order. This at present constitutes the duty of all sovereigns, and of all well-intentioned statesmen; and he alone should merit that title in the day of danger, who, after examining what is possible, and what is equitable, will not allow himself to be turned from the noble object to which his efforts should tend, either by ineffectual wishes, or by dejection of spirit.

This object is easily determined. In our days, it is nothing more nor less than to maintain that which exists; to attain it is the only means of preserving present advantages, perhaps even the best calculated to recover that which has been already lost. To this end the efforts and the measures of all who are united by a common principle and a common interest, ought to be directed. The combustible elements which had been long prepared, were infamed between the years 1817 and 1820. The false course which the French ministry pursued during that epoch -the toleration allowed in Germany to the most dangerous doctrines— the indulgence shown to audacious reformers-weakness in repressing the abuses of the press; finally, the precipitation with which representative constitutions were given to the southern States of Germany—all the causes have impressed the most fatal direction on parties whom nothing can satisfy.

Nothing proves better the impossibility of satisfying these parties, than the observation, that their most active operations have taken place in the state where the greatest indulgence was shown to their pretended views.

The evil had reached to such a pitch before the Congress of Carlsbad, that a trifling political complication would have been sufficient to overthrow entirely social order. The wisdom of the system which the great courts adopted, has preserved them from the dangers which still might be fatal. What, then, in such a case ought to be the march of an enlightened government? In proposing this question, we pre-suppose the possibility of salvation, and we think ourselves perfectly authorized in such a hope. In examining the means by which we can attain so elevated an end, we see ourselves brought back to the point whence we set out. To repair by little and little an edifice which threatens to fall, we must have a sure foundation. Thus, to secure a happy futurity, we must be sure, at least, of the present. The maintenance of that which exists, ought, therefore, to be the first, as well as the most important, of our cares. do not understand only the ancient order of things, which has been By this we respected in some countries, but likewise all the new institutions legally created.

The importance of maintaining them with firmness and constancy, may be seen by the attacks which have been made upon them, with a fury perhaps greater than against our ancient institutions. In the present times, the transition from what is ancient to what is new, is Died with as much danger as the return from what is new to what has accompa

been abolished. Both may equally lead to an explosion of the calamities which it is essential to avoid at any price.

Not to deviate in any manner from the existing order of things, from whatever origin it may have sprung; not to attenipt changes though they should be thought absolutely necessary, except with entire liberty, and after a resolution maturely weighed, such is the first duty of a government which is inclined to resist the evils of the age. Doubtless such a resolution, however just or natural, would excite obstinate opposition; but the advantage of being placed upon a known and acknowledged basis is evident, because from this strong ground it would be easy to stop or to anticipate in all directions, the necessarily uncertain motions of the enemy. We regret the objection which may be made, namely, that among the constitutions hitherto given to Germany, there are some which repose on no basis, and have consequently no point d'appui as unfounded, If such had been the case, the demagogues, always indefatigable, would not have failed to undermine them. Every order, legally established, contains within itself the principles of a better system, provided it is not the work of arbitrary power or of frantic blindness, (like that generally of the Cortes, in 1812.) It may moreover be said, that a charter is not a constitution properly so called: the latter is formed by time, and depends always on the knowledge and inclination of government to give to the development of the constitutional regime such a direction as may separate the good from the evil, consolidate public authority, and preserve the repose and the happiness of the mass of the nation from every hostile attempt. Two great means of safety are secured now to every govern, ment, which, with the feeling of its dignity and its duty, has determined not to destroy itself.

One of these means rests on the satisfactory conviction that between the European powers there exists no misunderstanding, and that, according to the invariable principles of sovereigns, none can be foreseen. This fact, which is placed beyond all doubt, confirms our position and guarantees our strength.

The other means is the union formed in the course of the last nine months between the German states; an union which by the blessing of God, our firmness and fidelity will render indissoluble.

The conferences at Carlsbad, and the decrees which issued from them, have acted in a more powerful and salutary manner than perhaps we dare own to ourselves at a time when we have still the same feeling of those embarrassments which agitate us, and when we can only calculate superficially all the advantages which we have obtained.

Measures, so important as these, can only be appreciated in their whole extent when we know the whole of their results. The epoch which immediately follows cannot present them all to us, but we can appreciate the effects produced by the resolutions of the 20th of September, by calculating the probable progress which the enemies of order would have made without them. The results of the conferences of Vienna, though of a more elevated order, will have an effect less brilliant, but more profound and desirable. The consolidation of the Germanic union offers to each of the states which compose it an efficacious guaranthe-an invaluable advantage in present circumstances, and one of which we could not have been certainly assured, except by the course that has been followed. The good faith and moderation with which this important work has been conducted may on the one hand have fixed us in certain points, and prevented us from taking measures more bold and energetic; but on the other, supposing such course possible, there would

have been wanting to the work one of the first conditions, namely, the free conviction and the sincere confidence of all the contracting parties.

Nothing could have compensated such a defect, which must have been in every attempt to put in execution determinations made under such auspices. In general the moral force of the confederation was as necessary as its legislative force; and the progress which the conviction of the utility and the necessity of this union has made, is, in our opinion, a most important and most happy result.

The rules which the German governments will henceforward have to observe may be pointed out in a few words :

1. Confidence in the duration of European peace, and in the unanimity of the principles which direct the high allied powers

2. A scrupulous attention to their own system of administration.

3. Perseverance in the maintenance of the legal basis of the existing constitutions, and a firm determination to defend them with force and prudence against every individual attack.

4. The amelioration of essential faults in these constitutions: this amelioration being made by Governments, and grounded on sufficient


5. In case of insufficiency of means, an appeal to the assistance of the Confederation-an assistance which every member has the most sacred right to exact; and which, according to present stipulations, can less than ever be refused.

Such is, according to us, the only truly salutary, legat, and safe course. Da such principles rests the political system of the Emperor; and Austria, tranquil in her interior, possessing an imposing mass of moral force and physical resources, will not only make use of them for her own preservation, but will always be ready to dispose of them for the advantage of her confederates, when duty and wisdom demand their exercise.

I have the honour to be,


All documents of this kind are but imbecile and empty vauntings, they are the breath of a sycophantic courtier, and are derided by every passing breeze. The Austrian army being both ill-paid, ill-clad, and ill-fed, might rush on towards the fair soil of Italy filled with the hope of plunder and better living, but let the Italians once give them a check and all will be over. The slave who fights with the hope of plunder only, cannot be considered a match for the man who is defending his liberty and property. Prince Metternich boasts of the "invariable principle of sovereigns;" we know well what it means, but what are sovereigns now-adays, when all their supposed subjects are opposed to them, and would glady drive them from the authority they hold? Each sovereign has now to make a calculation of how long he can keep his place, and what obstacles are in existence to his continuing a sovereign. It is very probable at present, that there will not be a man in

Europe in twelve months hence that will have the power of being a despot. A Berlin paper lately said that the Prussian army envied the Austrian the opportunity of chastising the degraded troops of Naples! The Prussian imbecile might feel this disposition, but it is to be doubted whether there be a single Prussian soldier of the same mind. However we shall see in a few months what is the true disposition of the Prussian army, for it must act either for or against the principles of liberty or despotism. We may expect some hard fighting if the troops of Russia, Austria, and Prussia are disposed to be led by their reigning despots. Report says, that the English government has sent out the Duke of Cambridge to Vienna to express its intentions and dispositions relative to the affairs of Naples. What those intentions and dispositions are, it is difficult to say at present; so much is certain, that England cannot take a hostile attitude nor subsidize the mercenaries of the continent. It has enough to do at home, and if it keeps together another year in its present state it will be a miracle.

Spain proceeds majestically, and exceeds the most sanguine hopes. The Cortes have abolished the order of Jesuits: they have abolished all modes of torture: they have sold every thing connected with the Inquisition: and they have begun to pull down the church sinecures. There is now no danger of any counter-revolution or re-action, the thing has been tried but to no purpose. The greatest difficulty that the Cortes have to encounter is the dilapidated state of the finances, as the wealth of Spain has been monopolized by the church and grandees, and consequently to touch it by a heavy tax is to encounter the strongest prejudice. A few months will begin to develope new resources, and in the course of two or three years Spain will be ás powerful a nation as any on the continent. Such is the glorious effect of revolutionizing corrupt governments.

France is prosperous and improving, in every sense of the word, in her internal resources; but there is a corrupting power existing in her bosom and must be expelled. The Bourbons can never live cordially with the French nation, unless it be as private citizens. Besides, the very manner in which they have been forced on France, has entailed a degradation upon her, which should be wiped off as speedily as possible. Now is the time, never was moment so important, never was an object more desirable, than the immediate revolution of France. The Revolution of France would decide the fate of the whole continent instantly, and the Austrian despot would

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