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Dec. 15th 1819.


I inclose £5 as part payment of a debt of £20 I owe to the great and intrepid Carlile. It is oberved, in Godwin's Political Justice, that, “ If I know a worthy man in need of, or deserving of twenty pounds, and I have that sum to spare, he is justly entitled to it, as if he held my bond for that sum." It was by this principle I become indebted to Mr. Carlile, which debt I shall with all convenient speed clear off by instalments. I hope all men who pretend to be endowed with reason, or the least glimpse of common sense, will take the same hint-will examine their circumstances, and ask their reason what they think they ought to consider themselves in Mr. Carlile's debt-immediately acknowledge the sum, and set about paying it off, by instalments or otherwise.

Mr. C.'s valuable labours have presented very little novelty to me. I was always of Mr. Carlile's opiniou since childhood. Perhaps I am indebted for this blessing to my having lost my parents, (who were Scotch) at an early age, and no person taking the trouble either to thrust a catechism into my hand, or driving me against my will to these infamous places called churches and chapels, where blasphemy, delusion, and lies are so liberally served out to children and fools, who want the soul to think and judge for themselves. I am convinced that if our infancy was not gulled and crammed with this absurd stuff, it never could exist; but it is in infancy that the wretches attack us, before we can call in reason to our aid. But I hope parents of the present day will know better how to defend their innocent lambs against the ravenous attacks of these worse than wolves in in sheep's clothing. If a child were not to be troubled with this stuff until he was twenty or even twelve years old, and then shewn the Holy Book, he would laugh at it, and exclaim that it was peither so well written nor half so amusing as the penny history of Jack the Giant Killer, or Robinson Crusoe. Was it not for forwarding this great object of delusion, there would be no Sunday schools "on the principle of the Established Church." In justice to my own country, I must observe, that I have the great pleasure to see the rising generation in Scotland bringing up a sensible community of pure Deists, and this as it were by instinct. They have observed the bigotry, with its constant attendants, cruelty and cheai¬ ing, of these hoary-headed rogues and fools, bellowing of psalms, which is always performed in that room where the noise may be best heard in the street. But this crocodile song now receives the notice it deserves This cheat has long been better known than is generally supposed; though not above one in ten thousand of sucli, dare to shew it externally, on account of their peculiar situation, and the present degraded state of society with regard to this subject, All

meu of science, or even of common sense, are Deists. All the clergy, who are not absolutely fools, are in their hearts Deists. All astronomers cannot chuse, but be Deist. All medical men must be Deists. In fact, all the really great men that ever lived, or ever will live, must be Deists, whether they shew it or not. What are Ministers of State? What are the Manchester Magistrates? If they are not Deists, they are men of more courage than ever I took them for. All the nobility and gentry who have any brains are Deists-but they think if it was not for the religious limb of corruption, mankind would never so long have suffered so very unequal a distribution of the fruits of the earth. It is this fatal error or selfishness, that makes them countenance the foul cheat. They are also afraid of their darling baubles, their titles: but I think, Mr. Editor, in a publication called, "THE REPUBLICAN," titles should be dispensed with, at least, until the characters of the individuals seem deserving of this honourable distinction among men. It is really preposterous that villains should be distinguished (particularly in "THE REPUBLICAN") by honourable titles. Lord Ellenborough has furnished you with a precedent in the trial of Lord Cochrane," and you, Thomas, commonly called Lord Cochrane." Now, Mr. Editor, would it not sound quite as well, and as grateful, in an Englishman's ear, if you were to say the same.

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These insidious gentlemen are beginning to see the necessity of paying their court to the Queen. They have stood aloof whilst they fancied her Majesty was in danger, but now they see that she is sure to triumph over her persecutors, those creatures are beginning to run after her. Her Majesty nust beware, or she will find in those Whigs more dangerous characters to deal with than she has already defeated. Lord Milton bas written a letter to her Majesty, to say that he is sorry in not being present to sign and attend the deputation to present the St. George's, Hanover-square, Address. This same Lord Milton, who a few months since, artfully evaded the presentation of the Wakefield Address, and had not the consistency of Stuart Wortley, his colleague, to refuse positively to present it! Lord and Lady Fitzwilliam also have paid their respects to her Majesty! This same Lord and Lady Fitzwilliam, who, on her Majesty's first arrival, having been announced in the public papers as waiting on her, took especial care to have it contradicted! We shall shortly expect to hear that Mr. Whitbread's sisters have also paid their respects to

her Majesty, after having affected horror to think it should be said that they had accompanied their brother with an Address! The Duke of Sussex, too, he begins to discover which side is the strongest, and forsakes the husband, with whom he had lately shaken hands, to greet the wife! We trust that her Majesty received all those creatures with a becoming dignity. The dignity of indifference and silent contempt. We perceive that a multitude of Whig Lords and Whig Ladies have called at Brandenburgh House; their names are too numerous to mention, but we have the assurance of her Majes ty, in an answer to an Address, that she will be neither the Queen of Whig or Tory. This must have been a dreadful blow to both those paltry and equally corrupt factions. They know not what to be at! They would lick the dust from her Majesty's feet if she would tolerate either of them.


We are as yet ignorant whether we shall be able to announce the fate of the bill of Pains and Penalties this week. It matters not which way the voice of the majority of the Ignobles runs whether for or against the bill. The majority of the inhabitants of Europe have denounced the proceeding as the result of malignity, villainy, and perjury. The Times Paper says, that there was a strong disposition in Spain to establish a House of Lords similar to this in England; but the moment they heard the determination of the English House of Lords to entertain the charge against the Queen, they dropt all thought of it, and resolved to do better without it. It is one of the main sources of corruption in the English government. Every state criminal obtains a title, and is lost sight of under a new name in the House of Lords. It is not only altogether useless as a part of the legislature, but it is abominably corrupt and expensive. A just and equitable legislature must consist of but one branch. If the representatives of a whole people are not a sufficient legislature, we must confess ourselves at a loss to say what else be necessary! We would not allow a King, nor a President to interfere, with the legislature. If such offices be necessary as an executive power, let them act as an executive power, and not as a dietatorial power over the legislature. In short, the executive can have no just ground of interference with the legislative branch of the community. It must come to this in spite of custom or prejudice.


VOL. IV. No. 10. .


The public curiosity has been excited in consequence of the late visit of Prince Leopold to the Queen. Various rumours have been afloat as to its object and purport; but it appears that the real object was, that the Prince had waited the conclusion of her Majesty's defence, to form his opinion of the charges against her, and that he had received a conviction of their futility and fabrication, and immediately proceeded to her Majesty to pay his respects, and to state his conviction of her innocence. Be this as it may, he has not, as the son-inlaw of her Majesty, played the honest and honourable part. Had he been armed with the virtue and the courage of his wife, he would have met her Majesty at Dover, or St. Omer's, and have pledged his support until the result of a fair trial was made known. If her Majesty had actually been guilty of all the charges imputed to her by the viperous Gifford, Prince Leopold could not have been dishonoured by demanding a fair trial for her. He has not done his duty as the only son of an injured mother-in-law-he has not done his duty as an honest man. We shall ever suspect his integrity in future, although, if the Queen can cordially forgive hin, we see no occasion for any particular spleen or hatred being shewn him by the people. He has neglected the opportunity of endearing himself to the People of England, in his unwarrantable neglect of her Majesty, and the more retired he keeps himself in future, the more consistent will be his conduct, and it may save him from a rude reception occasionally.

We almost fear her Majesty will be advised to pardon the wretch that has so long persecuted her, and we know her temper and disposition to be of the most lenient and forgiving kind; but as sure as she does, she will cherish a viper that will either shorten her days, or still continue to make her miserable to the end of life. The implacable and venemous hatred of this wretch will in future blast every thing that becomes tainted with it, if he be suffered to roam at large. We would have him shut up in a cage and exhibited in some menagerie as a monster. His dwelling should be like that of Nebuchadnezzar of old he should have both the food and the company of wild beasts. To pardon such a monstrous criminal would



be an outrage on the whole community. We should like nothing better than to have him tried and punished by a representation of the women of the country. The penitence of Prince Leopold has just been displayed in time to save himself from the public indignation that is about to burst upon the persecutors of her Majesty. He now holds his splendid income at her Majesty's pleasure. He is but a young man, and we hope his present humiliated condition will teach him to be more honest in future. Every branch of the family of the Guelphs will now have to solicit the charity and support of the Queen. There is not one of them that would receive the slightest respect from the people at large, unless it be in deference to the wishes of her Majesty.





An observation in your paper of the 25th inst., on the trials of Mrs. Carlile and Mr. Davison, compels me to address you, but I would beg to premise the subject of my address, by saying, that I do not take up my pen with a hostile feeling, but with something of that kind of pity which you said you felt towards the above-named persons, mingled with a little contempt at your endeavour to add a prop to the falling superstitions of the day. Your paper has been generally useful since the Manchester Massacre, to the cause of reforming the abuses of the government we live under. It has contributed much to increase the public indignation against the vices of the members of that government; and whether your exertions have arisen from accident or design, I shall not now stop to enquire, as it is not exactly my business at present, though I am of opinion that I could state a few circumstances to shew that the former was the cause, and the sole cause. However, I wish this letter to embrace but one object, and that is, the furtherance of the great cause of Civil and Religious Liberty; but I would further add, by way of premise, that I sincerely thank you for all the good you have done, particularly for your support of the Queen against him who wishes to destroy her. I am fully sensible that a daily paper

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