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vations of Papists of their not keeping faith with heretics, and of the pope's power to grant licenses for killing and deposing heretic sovereigns, should be brought into notice by the lower agents of the party. The pretence, of their not being bound by oaths, is of all others the most impudent. It is by their regard for an oath alone, that they are excluded from any of the situations to which they are now aspiring. It is from their dread of an apparent or constructive disavowal of their tenets, that they refuse to take the benefit of the annual act of indemnity, under the cover of which so many dissenters from the Established church enjoy all the sweets of office. With regard to the other points, the answer of the six Catholic Universities in 1793, is final and conclusive. These learned bodies, selected as the avowed depositaries of all that is orthodox and learned in catholic theology, answered unanimously, that it was no tenet of their church, that the pope, or even a general council, could absolve the subjects of Great Bria tain from their oath of allegiance, or dispense with their obligation; and that the force and obligation of any engagement, is neither shaken nor diminished by the circumstance of the person to whom it is made entertaining erroneous opinions as to religion. If this were not sufficient to establish the fact against Mr Le Mesurier and his antiquated authorities, gleaned from Foulis and Fox, we are happy to be able to refer, for a confirmation of the same doctrine, to a quarter, which all Catholics, at least, must admit to be decisive on such a subject. The Pope himself, in a rescript to the Irish prelates, dated in June 1791, has solemnly and distinctly disavowed the whole of those doctrines on account of which the Catholics are still subjected to illiberal impų. tations. In that instrument his Holiness declares, that the sec r of Rome never taught, that faith is not to be kept with the

heterodox; or that an oath to kings separated from the Ca'tholic communion can be violated ; or that it is lawful for the . bishop of Rome to invade their temporal rights and dominions." He adds ; 'we too consider an attempt or design against the life. ' of kings and princes, even under the pretext of religion, as sa horrid and detestable crime.?

We must make an end of this now. The advantages to be gained by the emancipation of the Catholics, are nothing less than the actual multiplication of our higher and more valued popula. tion, the deliverance of the whole nation from the fear and the danger of perpetual tumults and insurrections, and, in all human probability, the salvation of the country from the most tremendous of all calamities —the conquest of a foreign foe. Of the disa advantages which have been foretold as likely to result from the measure, there is but one, we will confess, to which we are dif

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posed to pay any degree of attention, and that is the diffatisfaction which it will certainly occasion to the violent Orange party in Ireland, and their followers and imitators on this side of the water. It is certainly very greatly to be larmented, that a thing which is so obviously just in itself, and so necessary for the security and peace of the nation at large, should be likely, at such a crisis as the present, to produce any degree of disaffection or alienation on the part of any class of our countrymen. It is a consolation, howa ever, to reflect, that the numbers of those whom such a measure can alienate is daily diminishing, and that the influence they possess must always be founded on circumítances adverse to the general prosperity. Though exafperated, and mortified too, they will never be absolutely lost to the country ; they will neither join with France, nor rise up in open rebellion against the government. We have been informed, indeed, that many of the most considerable of those who belonged to the Orange party have, of late, been so much struck with the dangers to which the country was exposed by the discontents of the Catholics, that, out of a regard to the security of their own property, they have openly espoused rhe cause of emancipation, and declared that nothing else could save the country from destruction. Those who have been the tools and the instigators of oppression, must suffer, no doubt, when opprelfion ceales; and, as all sufferers do naturally complain, so it is not wonderful that their complaints should, for a time, be among the loudest. This, however, will pass away; and the ministry that has the courage to do this great act of policy and justice, will be speedily and amply repaid for the clamours and temporary embarrailments they may encounter, by the grateful services of those to whom they will have restored the sweets of concord and the feeling of security. Those who have an interest in the continuance of abuses, certainly will not be persuaded that they ought to be redressed; but there are many milled by pallion or example, or by hasty and inaccurate views, to whom conviction may be brought by clear statements and dispassionate reasoning. We trust this will not be neglected ;-and are persuaded that, if an example of genuine liberality, unconnected with party or temporary views, were once set by persons of weight and authority in the country, men would soon be moulded, by the gravitation of a common interest, into that harmonious union, for which there is now so great a necessity, and would look back with wonder on the excefles into which they had been hurried.

ART. ART. IX. The West India Common-place Book, compiled from

Parliamentary and Official Documents; showing the Interest of Great Britain in the Sugar Colonies, &c. &c. By Sir William Young, Bart. F. R. S. M. P. 4to. pp. 280. Phillipsa London. 1807.

A Letter to W. Manning Esq. M. P. on the Causes of the Rapid and Progressive Depreciation of West India Property. By Charles Bosanquet Esq. 8vo. pp. 54. Richardsons. Lon don, 1807.

Thoughts on the Value to Great Britain of Commerce in general, and

on the Value and Importance of the Colonial Trade in particular. By Charles Bosanquet Esq. 8vo. pp. 83. Richardsons.

London, 1807. An Inquiry into the State of the British West Indies. By Joseph

Lowe Esq. 8vo. pp. 180. Baldwin. London, 1807.

ner. have, in our appracticable refect, will

These works, together with the reports of the Committees of 1 the House of Commons on the Distilleries and the West India trade, contain every thing that has been laid before the public upon the present alarming and unprecedented situation of colonial affairs. The compilation of Sir William Young, too, exhibits the greater part of the general information connected with this subject. We have therefore brought these públicas tions together in a single article, as furnishing the best opportutunity of examining the very important question to which they all refer. This appears the more necessary, that none of those* ingenious writers, nor indeed the Committees of the House of Commons themselves, have elucidated the subject in a satisfactory manner. While they all agree as to the amount of the evil, none of them have, in our apprehension, either pointed out the cause of it, or suggested any practicable remedy; and our presumption in attempting to supply this defect, will probably be thought the less of, when it is considered, that the persons to whom we allude belong all to the West India body, with the single exception of Mr Lowe, who professing to investigate the subject himself, follows the statements and adopts the opinione of the others, exclusively and implicitly.

The work of Sir William Young is a valuable collection of authentic details upon West Indian affairs, made for his own us during a constant attendance to those subjects in Parliament for twenty-two years. It is, in fact, as the title states, his Common place book; and we heartily wish that every person, whose in

VOL. XI. NO. 21. "

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dustry has put him in possession of such a repository, would follow the laudable example of publishing it, although he may not have time or inclination to work it up into theories.

"He begins with details upon the progress and actual state of the African slave trade, exhibiting the numbers carried over in different years since the question of abolition was first agitated, and the proportions of that detestable traffic, which were put an end to by the wise measures of 1806. He gives it, too, as his serious advice to the planters, to prepare for its total abolition in a very short time,-a prediction happily fulfilled soon after the publication of his book. The progressive culture of the islands is the next object of attention. Without pretending to enter into the details, we shall notice their results, as peculiarly connected with the question which we are immediately to discuss. It appears that the produce of Jamaica has been increasing ever since 1787, but with peculiar rapidity since 1798; that the sugår exported from thence in 1804 and 1805, was above one half more than the quantity exported in 1793 and 1794, and the coffee six times as much; that Barbadoes continued on the decline, exporting about a fourth less than it had done in 1787; that Antigua and the other Leeward Islands had also decreased, except St Kitts, which remained nearly stationary ; that all the other islands had increased their cultivation; and that the total ex. port of sugar from the British islands (including Tobago), had, from 1787 to 1803, augmented by one half,—that of coffee six fold. The value of the West India trade, as a source of naval power, has of course been increasing, and nearly in the same degree. In 1787, it employed about 130,000 tons ; in 1804, above 180,000, navigated by 14,000 seamen. After going through multifarious details of the imports from the West Indies, we find that, in fourteen years ending 1804, their value had increased nine millions Sterling, and the revenue from them had augmentby about three and a half millions, including, however, the conquered colonies; and that, exclusive of these, the imports from the West Indies were about a fourth of the whole imports of Great Britain. The exports to the islands have increased in the same proportion; and our author details this part of his subject with similar minuteness.

The intercourse between America and the West Indies, and the general subject of the colonial monopoly, next occupies his attention. He proves, to our entire satisfaction, that the islands cannot possibly exist without that intercourse, and that the monopoly, at least during war, should be considerably relaxed ; but these points require a more ample discussion than we can allot to them here. The details into which he enters, are

equally equally illustrative of the fallacy that has marked the arguments of the shipping faction, both as to their own interests and those of the country. They lead us to one general inference, that those persons have mistaken the effects of the war, for the consequences of a policy wisely calculated to diminish its evils ; and have been enraged merely because the existence of the sugar colonies was not sacrificed to a project which never could have succeeded, for retaining an accidental' monopoly peculiar to one period of the present contest. The distresses of the planters form a large portion both of these and the other details contained in this volume. As it is a subject upon which all the works now before us are agreed, we shall reserve à general description of it for the remaining part of the article. Sir William closes his compilation with a number of useful details and suggestions relating to the military defence of the islands.

Having expressed our sense of the importance of this collection, we must in fairness mention one defect from which its value suffers a considerable diminution. We do not allude to the style, which is indeed as bad as possible, and frequently almost too obscure to be unravelled ; but to inaccuracies, we are willing to hope, in the typography, which, unfortunately, have crept into several of the suns, and beget a natural suspicion of the rest. For example, in p. 10, we find 15 stated as five per cent. upon 260; in p. 124 and 145, 1803 is printed instead of 1783 ; and the same blunder occurring twice in p. 129, and, immediately after, 1804 being printed for 1784, such a confusion is produced as would extremely puzzle one who read the history of the American intercourse there for the first time. In p. 56 we have 1782, 3, and 4, instead of 1802, 3, and 4. In summing up the fourth column of the table, p. 28, there is an error of 40,000 ; in summing the fifth column, an error of 3000; and in summing the sixth there is a mistake of a cypher. It is most probable that these blunders, and many others of the same kind, are ow. ing to the press having been corrected in the author's absence; but they are extremely unpleasant, and leave us always in a considerable degree of doubt as to the figures which we have no opportunity of checking. It is perhaps owing to some more radical mistake, that we frequently find different sums set down when the same table or calculation is obviously referred to, as in p. 36 and 38, where the same sum is given at 183,994 and 184,034.; and in p. 38 and 87, where the same sum is given at 15,596 and 19,797, besides other discrepancies in the same three pages. We have had occasion to note this and several other apparent errors of a similar description, because we found

them preventing us from making use of our author's tables; and - it is difficult to avoid apprehending that we should have been

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