Art. 36. A Short Hiftory of the Oppofition, during the laft Seffion of Parliament. 8vo. Is. Cadell. 17-9.

Rather a picture than a history; and that picture a Caricatura; in which the antiminifterial party makes but an aukward and scarvy appearance.

6

The conduct of the leaders in the prefent oppofition is here reprefented as abfurd and wicked, beyond all example, in the hiftory of faction; but, for our comfort, it is obferved, that the vehemence' of thefe our bofom enemies, feems to have carried them to extremities, which fuperfede all former defcriptions of party, and which cannot fail to defeat their views.' Be it fo, in God's name,-if, as our Author fays, their views are to deprefs our fpirits by magnifying the power of our enemies, and to infpire thofe enemies with a confidence of fuccefs, by expofing our real or pretended weakness :'— but this is hard judging of motives!

In former times, adds he, the candidates for public favour thought it prudent to adhere, in their exhibitions, to public principles; but in our times, an eagerness to thwart the measures of government has expelled all regard for the opinions of the people. The dignity and honour of the nation were formerly the favourite themes of oppofitions; melancholy, mean nefs, and defpair, now fill the whole circle of patriotic oratory. With a want of prudence, as well as of decency, they tie up the hands of their country in the hour of danger. They not only justify rebellion against her authority, but indirectly promote a foreign war against her very exilence.

Here this alert Writer appears to have drawn his bow with too much strength, and to have over-fhot the mark. Strange that he fhould, at this time of day, endeavour to harrow up, from its peaceful grave, the departed, exploded idea of the parental authority of the inhabitants of this country, over the inhabitants of other parts of the British flate! He might, with equal appearance of reafon, affert on fome fuch pretext, the authority of Yorkshire over Northumberland; or, perchance, of the ifle of Bute over the ifle of Wight.

We are better pleafed, however, with his concluding and encouraging obfervations on the prefent refources of this country, for defence against whatever force may be combined against it. He endeavours to fhew, by a comparison of our former with our prefent armaments, both by fea and land, that we have (humanly speaking) very little to fear from the united efforts of all our opponents. In fine, he infilts on the following points,-that our frength is greater than at any former period; that our fpirit is equal, and our danger lefs; that we have above 60,000 difciplined troops for our internal defence, with a certain profpect of half as many more in the fpace of a few months; that a fpirit of unanimity *, vigour, and exertion, begins to pervade the whole kingdom; that our nobility and gentry, with a fpirit becoming Britons, either ferve in our conftitutional defence, the militia, or with their influence and purfes exert themfelves in raifing new corps; that the greatest commercial fociety in the kingdom has fet a noble example to their fellow fubjects, by an unani

*Notwithstanding the machinations of the oppofition, who, he contends, have done fo much mischief.

mous

mous and powerful aid to the ftate, in the prefent emergency; that voluntary fubfcriptions, for railing foldiers, and for giving a bounty to failors, have been opened in feveral places; and (our Author doubts not) that the fame spirit will diffuse itself through both the British ifles. Finally, he questions not that fuch as are debarred, by infirmities and years, from perfonal fervice, will certainly exhibit, on the prefent occafion, their love for their country, and their zeal for its fafety. It was, probably, for the fake of this concluding paragraph, that the whole pamphlet was written; and, fo far as the Author's arguments may influence and animate us to purfue fuch meafures as will tend most to the permanent fafety and best interes of our country (without any regard to ministerial or party views), we hope that this little sketch of political history has not been written in vain. Art. 37. Guatimozin's Letters on the prefent State of Ireland, and the Right of binding it (i. e. that Country by British Acts of Parliament, &c. 8vo. is. 6d. E. Johnfon. 1779.

Thefe letters have been much talked of, from their first periodical appearance (in April and May laft) in one of the Dublin prints. They are written with great energy and fpirit; and they contain an earnest, nay a vehement exhortation to the people of Ireland, to perfevere in their new system of CONSUMING, EXCLUSIVELY, the manufactures of their own country, as the most eafy and probable means of procuring for themfelves that redrefs of their national grievances which, he fays, they will ever look in vain for from the juftice or mercy of England. He enters particularly into the great question of England's right of imperial fovereignty over Ireland; which he denies; and he argues the point notably, if not convincingly †.—He is extremely fevere in his reflections on the English, whofe treatment of Ireland he avers to have been in the highest degree unjust and tyrannical. The Scots, too, are not overlooked.-Of our Northern countrymen he thus, in the bitternefs of his jealoufy, expreffeth himfelf:

After fully, and, we think, fatisfactorily, explaining the peculiar nature, and prefent circumstances, of the linen manufacture and trade of Ireland, and lamenting, as a national reproach, the encouragement given by the Irish to the importation of linens from Scotland, which he fays are fhamefully worn by his countrywomen, he then proceeds'But, in truth, kentings and gauzes are not the most pernicious commodity imported from Scotland into this country. The men of Scotland, who are overrunning us univerfally, are infinitely more dangerous. I am an enemy to national reflections; but when the people of an entire country are all marked with the fame diflinguishing features of character, the obfervation on them ccafes to be called national reflection. These men have a propensity to emigration, and they carry with them into every country the vices of their own; religious hypocrify, fervility of manners, and political depravity di

The Freeman's Journal, we fuppofe.

+Convincingly to the English reader, we mean :-fuch of the Irish who are difaffected to the British government, will, no doubt, be convinced.

flinguish them from all the nations of the earth. The only fatif faction we have is, that the principles of thefe Scotchmen in England have contributed very much to the ruin of the British empire. England has pledged us in the bitter draught.'

But, he acds, I perceive my paper fwelling along with my indignation and fo will the breaft of many a Northern reader; who will be ready to cry out, Enough of this Irish Indian‡; away with bim.'

Art. 38. A View of the Evidence relative to the Conduct of the American War, under Sir William Howe, Lord Viscount Howe, and General Burgoyne; as given before a Committee of the Houfe of Commons, lait Seffion of Parliament. To which is added, a Collection of Fugitive Pieces, that are faid to have given rife to that important Inquiry. 8vo. quhart, &c. 1779.

2 s. 6 d. Richardfon and Ur

Praife is due to the Editor of this publication, for the care and attention which he has manifefted in digefting the very important miterials of which it is compofed. He has introduced them by a proper Jummary of the contents; he has pointed, by marginal notes, to the molt effential and ftriking facts; and he has illuftrated the evidence of the officers and other gentlemen, by the addition of many occafional remarks and Arictures, published as events occurred; and efpecially by letters from Botion, New York, &c. which contain very pertinent but fevere comments on the conduct of our commanders in chief.

Speaking, in his prefatory advertisement, of the fugitive pieces in this collection, the Editor obferves, that they will be found to bear hard upon the coinmanders in chief. This, however, he justly adds, 'fhould not be attributed to any partiality in the collector, but to the nature of the fubject; as almost every effay that has appeared in the public prints, containing either reasoning or facts, has been a fevere cenfure on the conduct of the war.'

It is, really, a melancholy retrofpect which is here given of our military exploits in attempting to reduce the revolted colonies; and our Editor, with all his profeffed candour, appears to have been much affected by his view of the facts, details, and ftrictures, which he had been arranging: for he clofes the whole with a REVIEW of the WAR,' which is written with a fpirit that may ferve, alternately, to freeze and fire the blood of the indignant reader. His concluding paragraph is as follows:

Guatimozin, the nephew and fon-in law of Montezuma, was the laft of the Mexican Emperors. He defended his country against the Spaniards, with admirable courage and fortitude, to the laft extremity. He was finally taken prifoner by Cortes, who completed the infamy of his bloody career in America, by putting this gallant young Prince, first to the torture, and then to an ignominious death. Such were the character and the fate of that hero whofe name is affumed by this patriotic affertor of the liberties of Ireland.

Among these are included the evidence of Mr. Galloway, late a member of the American Congress.

• The

The confequences of this man's † unaccountably weak and wretched conduct are, thirty thousand brave men deftroyed, thirty millions of money expended, thirteen provinces loft, and a war with the whole Houfe of Bourbon.-If fuch mifconduct is to pass withoutcenfure or punishment, there must be a radical weakness, either in the conftitution of the ftate, or in the minds of the people, and the total diffolution of this empire must be fast approaching: for the people who fit in patient ftupidity, and fee themselves become the victims of ignorance or treachery, cannot, and do not, deserve to exift as a nation.'

Art. 39. The Examination of Jofeph Galloway, Efq; late Speaker of the Houfe of Affembly of Pennsylvania; before the Houfe of Commons, in a Committee on the American Papers. With explanatory Notes. 8vo. 25. Wilkie. 1779.

We believe that the whole of Mr. Galloway's very important evidence appears in this printed copy; with the addition of many useful and interefting notes, relative to the conduct of the war in America, the fituations and movements of the British troops,-the circumstances of the friends to government,-the proceedings of the Congrefs, their adherents, their forces, &c. &c. The refult of this examination and enquiry is by no means favourable to the commander of the royal army. It is, indeed, in many capital refpects, totally inconfittent with the reprefentations given in the examinations of Lord Cornwallis, General Grey, and other evidences; according to which it appeared (as we obferved in our laft Month's Review I, page 478), that our commanders in chief had accomplished all that in their fituation could have been accomplished, for the good of the fervice. Mr. Galloway's evidence was not then before us.-After all, TIME holds out to us the trueft lights, with respect to the views, and motives, and actions of great men: and, as the politician in the play fagely remarks, thofe who live longeft will fee most.'

Mr. Galloway was a member of Congrefs; he came over to the royal army in December 1776; and continued with it till the evacuation of Philadelphia in June 1778: abandoning his cftate and

+ Sir W. H-e.

In giving an account of the diftreffes of the Congrefs-party, many circumftances arife which cannot fail to fhock the humanity of the reader, whatever be his party. Among other particulars, Mr. Galloway faid, in examination, that in the year 1777, the Americans had loft, in the Canada expedition, in the feveral engagements with the British troops, taken prifoners, and by deaths in their military hofpitals, nearly 40,000 men. But in a note to this part of the evidence, it is faid the rebel ftates, fince the commencement of the rebellion, have loft in their military hofpitals, and in battle, in their naval and land fervice, not much fhort of 100,000 men; which amount to a fifth part of the white men in America capable of bearing arms.'-A dreadful reckoning, indeed! What have they not to anfwer for, whofe wicked politics have been the first cause of so much calamity to their fellow-creatures!

Art. Exam, of the Earl of Cornwallis.

property in America, to the value, as he declared to the Committee of above forty thousand pounds Sterling.

Art. 40. De Primordijs Civitatum Oratio. In qua agitur de Bella Civili inter M. Britanniam & Colonies nunc flagranti, &c. i. e. An Oration concerning the Origin of States, in which the Author treats of the Civil War between Great Britain and her Colonies. By James Dunbar, Profeffor of Philofophy in the King's College, Aberdeen. 4to. Is. 6d. Cadell. 1779.

As an academical difcourfe in praife of the late Earl of Chatham, this performance is entitled to fome commendation; being written, in general, with a confiderable degree of claffical purity. We could point out, however, feveral paffages, of which the conftruction might be rendered more easy and perfpicuous; in a few, the expreffion is not agreeable to the Latin idiom; and the oration throughout, like molt other productions of modern Latinity, is deficient in thofe unaffected graces of compofition which diftinguish and adorn the writings of the Auguftan age.

If we confider Mr. Dunbar's performance as a political treatise addreffed to the public, it is not eafy to difcover its object or defign. The first part of the difcourfe is evidently written with a view to introduce a panegyric on the Earl of Chatham; who, if called to the administration of affairs, would, in Mr. Dunbar's opinion, restore the ancient fplendor of the British empire. This obfervation neceffarily occafions a no e, in which Mr. Dunbar laments the death of that great man. As to the Colonies, the Author concludes by advising that we fhould endeavour to recover and to retain them by benefits, not by injuries; and that Britons, if they cannot be the masters, should be the patrons of the New World, "Novi orbis terrarum patrocinium, fi non imperium, fuftineant Britanni. Atque volentes per populos dent jura, viamque affectent Olympo."

Art. 41. Obfervations on the National Debt, with Proposals for reducing the faid Debt, and for raifing tuture Supplies, in an easy and eligible Manner, by which the National Credit, and the Property of Individuals, will be preferved and improved. Humbly addreffed to, and earnestly recommended to the Confideration of, every Poffeffor of Property, of what Nature or Kind foever, within the Kingdom. By a fincere Well-wither of his Country. 8vo. 6 d. Dilly.

This fincere well-wisher of his country may, for what we know to the contrary, be fome fly rogue of a landholder, although we rather fufpect it is only ad Parnafjum, who artfully endeavours to perfuade the ftockholders to give up one fiftieth part of their whole property every year to government, in order to leffen the enormous weight of the national debt. He, however, obligingly thinks they ought not to give up the whole, but ftop when they have, by thefe means, reduced it to fixty, eighty, or even to a hundred millions; for our

If we entirely abandon the imperium, it is not obvious what the Author means by dent jura. It belongs not to thofe who have the patrocinium only dare jura.

Author