the Short Hiftory, &c. But our Observer (after a fatirical difcuffion of the point) nxes the performance on Mr. Macpherson, the celebrated Editor of Offian's Poems; and he, probably, is not a bad gueffer, but ftill it is only gefs-work.

Whoever was the writer of the Short Hiftory, he is here moft acrimoniously attacked, by an opponent who will neither allow him principle nor ability; which is, furely, going a little too far. The Hiftorian of Oppofition is, unquestionably, a man of excellent parts: and this, we think, must be allowed him by all judges of writing,— whatever they may deem of his motives or his candour.-As to the anfwer here given to his pamphlet, it is minute and tedious; but it contains fome very just and material ftri&tures. The Author feems particularly defirous to invalidate, in fome degree, the evidence given by General Robertfon and Mr. Galloway, relative to the conduct of the war in America, before the Committee of the House of Commons; which evidence having been eagerly taken up by the minifterial writers, has proved the bafis of feveral notable pamphlets on that fide of the queftion: Vid. our Political and American Articles, for feveral months past.

Art. 15. A Short Defence of the Oppofition; in Answer to a Pamphlet, entitled," A fhort Hiftory of the Oppofition." 8vo. 1 s. 6d. Almon.

This is a ferious, candid, and folid refutation of the Short Hiftory: -a performance, of which the following general notice is taken, by the prefent Writer, in the conclufion of the tract before us: viz. I fhall now only make an obfervation on the evident defign of the author, in his Short Hiftory, which is, plainly, to keep alive party difputes, at a time that is more proper for action than debate; to decry the characters of fome of the most upright and virtuous mea in this nation, and by depreciating their merit, to enhance that of his own friends and patrons. Confcious that the conduct of these laft will not ftand the telt of examination, he fees that nothing can keep them much longer in their ftation, unless he can eftablish an opinion to the difcredit of those who have oppofed them.'

The Short Defence is written with lefs vivacity than the Short Hif tory; but we really think the former has greatly the advantage in point of argument.-What the Author has faid on the importance of the freedom of parliamentary debate, deferves to be particularly attended to; the fame may be faid of his decifive refutation of the popular notion that the rebellion in America was fomented by oppofition. We must add, that he has clearly fhewn, that America was uninfluenced by any other caufes than her own fenfibility.'

AMERICAN CONTEST. Art. 16. Letters to a Nobleman, on the Conduct of the War in the Middle Colonies. 8vo. 2 S. Wilkie. 1779.

To this tract the following advertifement is prefixed:-' An attempt has been made, in the House of Commons, to eftablish the following propofitions: "That the revolted Colonies are naturally fo ftrong as to be impracticable by war,-that their inhabitants are almo univerfally difaffected to the British government,-and that the

fo.ce

force fent over to fupprefs the rebellion has been, by no means, equal to the object."

This attempt, as foon as made, appeared to the Writer of the following Letters to involve several matters of the utmost confequence to the nation. It was intended to conceal from the public eye the fhameful misconduct of the American war,-to place to the account of administration all the national misfortunes, which were founded only in that mifconduct,-to prove that the rebellion cannot be fuppreffed by the force of this country-and, of courfe, to demonftrate the difgraceful neceffity of fuffering two thirds of the British territory to be difmembered by rebellion from the dominion of the British ftate.

To prove the reverse of thefe propofitions; to place the prefent national danger to the account of thofe to whofe conduct alone it can be with justice imputed, and to expofe to public view an attempt fo inconfiftent with the fafety of the empire, is the defign of publishing thefe Letters.'

In the first Letter the very able and animated Writer difcuffes the ftrength and practicability of the middle Colonies, in respect to military operations. The Author frankly profeffes that he has no idea of any country being impracticable in a military fenfe; he confi dently maintains, that every country, however ftrong, will afford mutual and alternate advantages to contending armies; while fuperior skill, force, and exertion alone, can enfure fuccefs;' and he demonftrates that in kill and force the British army had, beyond all comparison, the fuperiority.-Our Author, however, must allow, that in a country naturally strong, and difficult with respect to fituations, an army acting on the defenfive, will, in many refpects, have greatly the advantage over an enemy who must proceed offenfively, or give up the object of the war. This Letter writer, nevertheless, concludes, from the military operations which actually have been carried on in this part of the country, fince the commencement of the prefent unhappy war, that the Colonies in question cannot be deemed very strong or impracticable;' and that, in fact, our army, under the command of General Howe, have not experienced any material difficulties on this account. We have feén, fays he, the British army penetrating into the heart of this country in a circuit of near 200 miles, from Long Island, by the White Plains, to Trenton, and from the Elk Ferry to Philadelphia in defiance of the utmost efforts of an enemy perfectly acquainted with the ground; and we have feen that army taking, with eafe and little lois, every ftrong poft poffeffed by the enemy, who have always fled on its ap proach.

Letter II. inquires how far the general difpofition of the inhabitants of the revolted Colonies, was, in reality, hoftile to the British government; and he appeals to facts, of the utmost notoriety, in order to thew has a very great MAJORITY of the people are well affected to their fovereign, wishing for nothing more cordially than a re union with the mother-country.-On this head, however, it is to be feared, we have been too often milled by fallacious information; and perhaps our Author is himself among the number of the deceived,

The third Letter contains a warm, fpirited, and very critical re view of our manner of profecuting the war in the Colonies of NewYork, New-Jerfey, and Pennfylvania; in which the Author totally condemns the whole conduct of the honourable Commander in Chief, as nothing better than a feries of the most egregious blunders, negligencies, and, in fhort, every fpecies of mismanagement of which an incapable general can poffibly be guilty. In a word, the accufation here brought against Sir W. H. is couched in fuch ftrength of language, and appears to be fo powerfully fupported by undeniable facts (as far as we, at this diflance, can judge of them), that we cannot help thinking the General's reputation highly concerned in this bold impeachment of his character and conduct; and that if neither he, nor his friends, offer any vindication of his proceedings while at the head of our army in America, the world may be apt to conftrue fuch filence into an admiffion of the charge.-And we are afraid, notwithstanding the good opinion we have entertained, and repeatedly expreffed, of this Commander, that the mildeft cenfure which men will then pafs upon him, will be expreffed in the words of our Author, That he preferred the pleafures of the Long-room and the Faro-table, to the profpect of glory, and the duty which he owed to his fovereign and the nation.'

To the three Letters is fubjoined an Appendix, confifting of what may be called American State-papers; and which are here given as illustrations and proofs of the arguments ufed by the Author, in the Letters. No I. contains Extracts from the Inftructions to the Reprefentatives of the different Colonies in Congress, Sept. 1774. From which we are to infer the averfion of the people, in general, to the violent measures adopted by that body. N° II. exhibits a View of the British and Rebel Force operating in the Middle Colonies in 1776, 1777, and 1778; fhewing the great and conftant Superiority of our Army, in Numbers, as well as Appointment, Difcipline, &c. From all which the great queftion naturally arifes-" Whence, then, our inadequate progrefs in the war?"-The Author is at no lofs for an anfwer;-and adminiftration fands fully exculpated:which, poffibly, was an object of which the ingenious Letter-writer was not unmindful.

Art. 17. Confiderations on the American Inquiry. 8vo. I S.

Wilkie. 1779.

A performance fimilar in its defign to the foregoing Letters, but written with lefs afperity. The Inquiry alluded to in the title-page, is the late parliamentary examination into the proceedings of our army in America, under the command of General Howe.-It has been much infiited on, that " it is impoflible to fubdue the Colo nies." The main intent of thefe Confiderations is to prove the falfehood of that affertion.' The Author writes nervously, and reasons as well as can be expected from fuch information as he and the rest of our bome politicians are poffeffed of: but his chief fource of information feems to be Mr. Galloway's evidence; on which, however, others

An appeal to the evidence produced by Sir W. H. before the Houfe of Commons, on the American Inquiry, will fcarce be deemed fatisfactory by the readers of this fevere investigation.

4

think

think we should be cautious of laying too much stress: it being obviously Mr. G.'s intereft to perfuade this nation to continue the war at all events. And this may poffibly be the cafe with most of thofe vehement writers, who are loudeft in the cry of havock, and are the moft eager to let flip the dogs of war: For, when peace returns, where will then be their IMPORTANCE and their GAINS? Swift pronounced party to be" the madness of many, for the gain of a few." Change the word party for war, especially civil war, and the maxim will lofe nothing of its energy. Many competent judges of the fubject, in this country, as well as all moderate people in the Colonies, are now convinced, that from a peaceful and honest intercourse with North America, we have every thing to hope that is valuable to a commercial nation; while, from a war with America, we have nothing to expect, but a continuance and increase of that enormous expence of blood and treasure which hath already reduced a great and flourishing empire, to a moft alarming appearance of declenfion!

Art. 18. An Addrefs to the People of Great Britain. 8vo. 6d. Cadell. 1779.

A warm and feasonable exhortation to the gentlemen and commonalty of these kingdoms, to exert themselves, at this threatening juncture, in defence of their country, against the hostile attempts o of its enemies.

EAST-IN DIE S.

Art. 19. A Speech intended to have been spoken at the General Court of the East India Company, May 28, 1779, on the Opening the Trade. 8vo. 1 s. Bew.

Strongly recommends the furrender of the Company's charter, for the laudable purposes of opening the commerce of the Eaft to all his Majesty's fubjects; of thereby enabling them to fupport his government; and of refcuing the Indian provinces, now unhappily fubjected to us, from the tyranny of the Company's fervants, by placing them ' under the regular administration of the executive power of the ftate, whofe long eftablished laws are fo well known, and fo well adapted to prevent or punish any abuse in the immediate fervants of the crown.'

This pamphlet is written with a generous warmth, and a compaffionate feeling for the fufferings of the numerous natives of Bengal, &c. who have been too long groaning under the yoke, the avarice, and the rapacity of the English :-of a vile, corrupt race, who seem to think that no people on earth but themselves have a right to the protection of equal laws, or the free enjoyment of the common bleffings of nature.

If any of our Readers fhould think this cenfure of our Eaftern plunderers too fevere, let them read this honeft pamphlet, and then view them in a more favourable light-if their hearts—if virtue, juftice, and humanity, will permit them.

Art. 20. A candid Examination of the Reasons for depriving the Eaft-India Company of its Charter, contained in The History and Management of the Eaft-India Company, from its Commencement to the prefent Time." Together with Strictures on fome of the Self-contradictions and historical Errors of Dr. Adam Smith, in his Reafons for the Abolition of the faid Company. 8vo. is. 6d. Bew, &c. 1779.

Defends the exclufive charter of the Company, chiefly on commercial principles founded in local circumstances; but what are such principles, if they operate against the common rights of humanity? -This candid Examiner feems to combat the Writers above mentioned, (and "The Philofophers," again it whom he is particularly piqued) with more captioufnefs than candour; and he appears to plume himself on having convicted the excellent Adam Smith of fome inconfiftencies in his reasonings. But if ten thousand errors could be found in the writings of thofe who and forth in the cause of truth and juftice, the principles of truth, and of justice, will remain eternally the fame.-Will the cold blooded arguments of thofe who vindicate the Company's rapacious agents and fervants, rettore to life the many thousands of poor Bengalians who have miferably perified through the wickedness of our European Nabobs?

DRAMATIC.

Art. 21. Albina, Countefs Raimond; a Tragedy, by Mrs. Cowley: As it is performed at the Theatre-Royal in the Haymarket. 8vo. I s. 6d. Dodley, &c. 1779.

From the preface to this tragedy we learn, that it was in its very infancy feverely reviewed by certain theatrical generals, who having refufed the fair militant of Parnaffus comfortable winter quarters, the refolved to try her ftrength in a fummer campaign, in which, however, he does not feem to boast of any gnal triumph. To drop the metaphor,-how Mrs. Cowley's play might appear in the reprefentation we cannot fay, but if it was delivered on the flage exactly as it is printed, we think there are many fcenes, as well as paffages, extremely reprehenfible; and almoft fufficiently fo to justify the rejection of the piece by the managers of Drury-Lane and Covent-Garden theatres, if we had not perufed feveral plays produced under their aufpices much inferior to Albina.

The tragedy of Albina is, on the whole (notwithfanding a brilliant paffage here and there, one particularly towards the conclufion of the fit Act), crude and deficient in its fable, characters, and diction. Much is borrowed, not very judicioufly, from other popular tragedies; and while the Authorefs is labouring to prove that the main incidents of her piece have been unaccountably anticipated by the writers of Fatal Falfehood, and the Law of Lombardy, we might refer all the parties to Shakespeare, and remind them of Much Ado about Nothing-the bafis of their aifputes and performances.

For an account of" The Hiftory," fee Review for April laft.

Art.