On the contrary, he (Mr. Smith) believed that the latter was first entered upon, because it was deemed necessary to our colonial interest.. He had lived in the last generation, and had heard the subject discussed for 35 years, but had never met before with the opinion now stated by the right hon. gentleman. On this occasion, however, he rose without the slightest sentiment of hostility to the West India planters, although he would avow, that at one time he could not but entertain such a feeling, when he found them evince a spirit of inveterate opposition to the counsels of the greatest men, whom perhaps this country had ever seen. But the present race of West India planters seemed to be influenced by views so different from those of their predecessors, and the question now before them involved merits so distinct, that he was unwilling to throw the least impediment in its way. Whatever was consistent with the welfare or interests of this country, he was disposed to concede. He feared, it was true, that the new system could only be established at our expense, and it could not be disputed that the distress at home was equally great with the distress in the colonies.

Mr. Huskisson observed, that

he had been somewhat misconceived by the hon. gentleman who spoke last. All he meant to say was, that the slave-trade was a very great inducement with our ancestors, to extend their colonization. There was on the records of the privy council, a copy of an address from the island of Jamaica, against any further importation of slaves.

Mr. Phillips also approved of the object and principle of the intended measure. He thought it easy to prevent, or remedy, the evils which had been alluded to; and it could not be denied, that the state of suffering which now prevailed in the West Indies made some relief indispensable.

Mr. Bright was of opinion, that the proposed alteration was as important to humanity as it promised to be favourable to our own interests.

Mr. Butterworth likewise supported the general principle, and believed it would tend to promote an effectual abolition.

The two resolutions were then agreed to, and reported. Leave was of course given to bring in two bills; the one for regulating the trade between the British West Indies, and the United States of America; the second to regulate the trade between the former and other parts of the world.

CHAPTER

HOUSE of Commons, April 17. -The house met at four o'clock, after the adjournment for the recess.

Several petitions were presented against taxes and local bills.

Mr. Tierney presented a petition from Maidenhead, complaining of agricultural distress. The petitioners adverted to the result on agriculture, in one instance, by the licensing system, as now pursued, as those petitioners were chiefly engaged in the growing of barley. The public-houses at Maidenhead were in the hands of two or three brewers, and they suggested, that it would be an improvement to license the individual, instead of licensing the

house.

Mr. Wynn spoke of the inconveniences that might result from such a change.

Mr. G. Bennett hoped that the house would not too hastily decide on this question: it was of great importance, and involved an immense deal of property. He admitted that the system required to be improved. He would now state, that he intended to bring forward a bill for consolidating and amending the laws on the subject of licensing public-houses, somewhat similar to that which he had brought forward on a former

occasion. Petition ordered to be printed.

Mr. (secretary) Peel presented a petition from the synod of Glasgow and Ayr against the proposed motion for altering the laws regarding the Catholic peers.

April 18.---Mr. Calvert presented a petition from St. John's, Southwark, against the London Bridge bill, praying that no measures might be hastily adopted for the pulling down of that bridge. Petition read, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. Calvert presented a similar petition from St. Olave's. He had misunderstood the petition. The petitioners had heard that there was a petition presented, praying for leave to bring in a bill to pull down and build a new bridge. Ordered to be printed.

The chancellor of the exchequer rose, pursuant to notice, to submit a motion respecting the mode of making up the public accounts. He proposed to move for a committee on the subject. They knew the mode at present adopted; but undoubtedly the system was susceptible of improvement. Many of the accounts were made up at stated times, and presented pursuant to the regulations of acts of parliament: and those regulations called for some improvement. He

concluded

peal which the honourable member said, was called for by public policy and humanity. It would not affect the finances of the country. As proof of the distress, he mentioned that 900 out of 1500 houses in such parish were closed and insolvent.

This and some other similar petitions were ordered to be printed. Mr. Davis presented a petition from Bristol, numerously signed, against any change of the laws affecting the Roman catholics.Ordered to lie on the table.

Lord Ebrington presented a petition from Tiverton, Devonshire, complaining of the overwhelming distress that was approaching all classes, and praying that a timely remedy might be provided.-Ordered to be printed.

Sir J. Newport, in bringing forward his motion upon this subject, assured the house that he had never risen under feelings of greater embarrassment. His duty was to call the attention of parliament to the present condition of the kingdom of Ireland-Heaven knew, never had the state of that country stood in greater need of attention; but although he had frequently been compelled to press upon gentlemen the wretched state of the Irish population, and the manifold grievances under which the population suffered, he did now experience something---he would not call it of reluctance, but something---like unpleasant feeling toward the task which he was once more to undertake. He did experience that feeling the rather, for that the motion with which his address upon the present occasion would conclude, was nearly the same which he had brought forward in 1815---which he had

brought forward under the support of three most intelligent, most eloquent, and most enlightened friends; two, out of which three (the most able advocates of Ireland and her rights,) unfortunately for her, had since sunk into the grave. He should endeavour to condense what he had to say; but, in shewing the progress which Ireland had gradually made to her existing state of disorganization and distress, he should feel it his duty to point out the causes to which that distress was attributable; for it was only by close examination of the causes of any evil, that a legislature could hope to apply such remedies as should be effectual. How was it, he would ask, that a population so numerous, inhabiting a country unexampled in fertility-how was it that a people, signalized in every quarter of the globe for their excellent character and conduct, should appear degraded only in their own country? The question was to be answered by reference alone to the system by which they were governed. Ireland occupied an area of nineteen millions of English acres. Its population had increased from about four millions, in 1747, to nearly six millions by the calculation of 1814, and to nearly seven millions by the census of the last year. Here there was a population of nearly seven millions for which the house was called upon to legislate-to rescue them from the system under which they had so long suffered, and to make them feel, what unhappily they had not hitherto experienced, that legislation was a blessing. They had, unfortunately, no reason to think their government a blessing, and he might in three words sum

up

up the principle (if principle it could be called) on which Ireland was governed. They were "divide and govern!" That was the principle of Irish government. It was the principle which embittered all their feelings, and which made them look upon their superiors as their oppressors. The practice of Irish governors was to deprecate every thing which tended to unite the people. He would refer, as an instance, to the letter of one of the lords justices--the primate Boulter, on the subject of Wood's halfpence, in which he deprecated a measure respecting them, because it would tend to unite the people. To what a state must that country have been reduced, when one of its governors objected to a measure merely because it would tend to unite the people placed under his care! Before the union the progress of taxation in Ireland had been comparatively temperate, and he was inclined to think that, had parliament pursued that course which wisdom would dictate, they would have pursued quite a different course from that which they had adopted. It was manifest that one of the evils of Ireland, and no inconsiderable one in the list of her grievances, arose from the number of her absentee landlords. By it the people were deprived of those to whom they looked up, and who were considered as their natural protectors. They lost in them that care and attention to their wants which a resident landed gentry were calculated to give, if only with a view to their own interests; those men, who, according to the remark of Mr. Sheridan, kept up that gradation of rank, which bound all classes together, from

the cottage of the peasant to the throne of the prince. It was the duty of parliament to contract the number of absentees which the union of the two kingdoms was so much calculated to increase, and that could best have been effected by guarding against an improvident system of taxation, so that land-owners might not be driven from their homes by the excess. Up to the union, as he had before observed, Ireland was in comparison but lightly taxed; unfortunately, after the union the system of taxation increased, and instead of increasing, had the effect of diminishing the revenue. He had on every occasion opposed the increase of taxes in Ireland; and he had, again and again, stated in that house, that ministers would reap a large harvest of discontent, and not of revenue, from that system. They now unhappily saw that what he had predicted was but too well founded, and too true. They had reaped a harvest of debt and discontent; and one effect of the system was to break the spirit of the gentry who still continued to reside in Ireland, who were deprived of the influence and consequence which they formerly possessed among their neighbours by the loss of the power of doing good, which they held, or were supposed to have held, amongst them. The consequence was such as might have been anticipated: reduced considerably in pecuniary circumstances, they did not, from a pride natural to persons of their rank, wish to alter their mode of living, before those amongst whom they had been accustomed to live in affluence; they therefore transported themselves and families to some English watering-place, and F 2

there