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UR foreign relations, during the year, have remained pretty much in statu quo; and those relations have not been ma - terially affected by the tendencies to war between some of the most important states of Europe, which have recently become apparent. The preventive means have been adopted, so far as a friendly interference could be properly employed, but with what success, the thickening clouds that gather on the political horizon (in some directions) seem at present to render doubtful. It is probable that the great nations of the continent could not engage in hostilities without, by one means or another, compelling or drawing England into the conflict. We must check Southern violence and folly, or Northern aggression. We dread, however, the dire necessity of acting again a part in the mighty struggles of warlike nations; and, if called to it, we trust, for our own sakes as well as theirs, the contest will soon terminate.

To imagine a state of things existing in this country, such as would naturally result from the system of a class of philosophers, whose system has been indeed exhibited to the life in a neighbouring country, one must necessarily suppose the absence of all foreign

relations, and all those consc-quences which usually attend them. But as it may be generally stated, that the history of nations usually consists of little else than a recital of alliances and their infractions of friendly compacts, so the annals of this country, though not less interesting than those of other states, if deprived of all that relates to our foreign connections, would exhibit only a bald and unsightly skeleton to the eye of contemplation. To observe the progress of those connections, in a view of our history, would afford an occasion of estimating their value, and of deriving some important instruction as to the extent to which they should hereafter be cultivated. As, however, our present purpose is rather to ex-. amine the state of our actual relations, than to account for their formation, we shall proceed briefly to notice them during the period of the past year-a period pregnant with events of the highest moment, and bearing an intense interest with regard to the independence of nations and the general repose of Europe.

"How long shall kings forget that they are men, And men that they are brethren ?"

To the congress of Verona these introductory remarks have immediately conducted us, and the consideration.

sideration of this extraordinary combination of specious professions with ultra despotism, furnishes a topic for discussion of no ordinary difficulty. The important sentiment said to have been expressed by an illustrious person, "That the crown is held for the benefit of the people," could not by possibility, it may be imagined, form an item in the creed of the potentates thus engaged. Could we, however, for a moment suppose, that the divine right of kings to do wrong had been held as a maxim, a clue would probably be furnished to that policy which characterises their proceedings. For with what consistency could it be pretended, that there exists no convention, either secret or expressed, by which one member is bound to support any particular object of the others? nothing in the nature of a resolution-nothing of a general understanding, nor admitted obligation, that one sovereign should have the right to call upon another to interfere in his own domestic administration, or to demand the power of congress to suppress any merely civil contest between such sovereign and his subjects. The avowed and understood object of congress is assuredly to suppress the all-destroying spirit of French jacobinism; and, secondly, to maintain the peace of Europe by amicable mediation and discussion. With what consistency, we would ask, can such sentiments be avowed, while the king of Spain is to be assisted, if necessary, by the troops of all the holy allied powers in his domestic administration; and the king of France is permitted to break the peace of Europe by invading a neighbouring country for

a purpose directly in contravention of the principles professed at the congress? Be it recorded to the honour of our governors, however, we are no parties; and, if that bolder and more commanding attitude, so much called for by some military spirits among us, has not been assumed, the ministers of Great Britain, to say the least, have decidedly maintained a firmness and dignity in their neutrality not altogether unworthy of our rank in the scale of nations. It is with great satisfaction that we reflect on what our ministers have been enabled actually to accomplish in the circumstances of Russia and Turkey, between whom, we have reason to believe, they have been successful mediators. Besides which, the general politics of this country towards Russia may be regarded in a favourable light. The trade between the two countries is now carried on upon equal and friendly terms. It cannot, indeed, be stated, that the past year has produced a commercial treaty between Russia and this country; but then it must be recollected, that neither with France, Germany, nor the Netherlands, has this country concluded one; and this circumstance is not so much to be attributed as a neglect to our ministers, as it is to be ascribed to the jealous spirit of our merchants and manufacturers. The eighth section of the navigation act, by which the trade between this country and Russia was impeded, has, however, been rescinded. With Austria and the German powers the same friendly spirit exists. It is, too, a source of gratification, that while a similar disposition exists between this country and Prussia, the Netherlands, and the Northern

Northern powers, our commercial dealings with them are greatly increasing and improving. With Norway and Denmark, particularly since the repeal of the wartimber duties, the trade is in a state of most rapid advance. The trade with Portugal is, under the present circumstances of her colonies, more favourable to her than she can long expect; for if, as an equivalent for the permission to trade with her colonies, we favoured, by high duties on those of France, the Portugal wines, when the trade is necessarily thrown open to the colonies by their defection from the parent state, then the latter has lost the equivalent, which, however, she must replace in order to enjoy the continuance of the favour shown to her wines. With the United States our trade has greatly advanced--she now enjoys that trade between the British West Indies and her own states, which she so long desired. Our relations with the South American provinces are on as favourable a footing as, under the present circumstances, they can be expected to be placed.

The state of the agricultural interest has undergone animated discussions in parliament, the result of which has been the adoption of the chief measure suggested in the report of the agricultural committee of the house of commons. The first proposition of the committee, to grant the sum of one million to be laid out in corn to be warehoused, in order to secure the growers against being compelled to carry their produce to an overstocked market, was clearly so unwise and futile a scheme, and was so generally and strongly disapproved of by the house of commons, that after a brief discussion, it was

abandoned. The principal feature of the subsequent regulations is to repeal the law which prohibits the importation of wheat till it rises to the average price of 80s. per quarter, and to substitute a regulation, allowing of the opening of the ports, as before, at 80s., and continuing them open till the price falls to 70s., and three months after it begins to fall below it, but subject throughout to a duty of 12s. per quarter, with an additional duty of 5s. for the first three months after opening. This may, perhaps, on the whole, be a better plan than that which it has superseded; or rather it may be attended with a smaller portion of practical evil to the agriculturalist as well as to the community. But both systems are radically vicious; and while either of them is persisted in, we must suffer all the afflicting alternations arising from a great fluctuation in the price of the main articles of human subsistence. At one time they will be depressed so low as not to remunerate the grower, and at another raised so high as to subject a great part of our population to want and wretchedness, and expose us to all the evils of disaffection and tumult. The only remedy for these evils is to be found in a free and unfettered trade in corn, and in such a free and unfettered trade, not only would the 'community at large, but the farmers, and the landholders, find their true and permanent advantage. Those who wish to know by what process of reasoning we arrive at this conclusion, may consult the Report of the Agricultural Committee of the house, of commons, which sat in the last session, where the true principles by which this mighty question should be re

gulated

gulated are ably and luminously exhibited. Our true wisdom, even if we were to look exclusively to the permanent interests of agriculture itself, is in retracing our legislative progress, from the present system of restriction and prohibition to one of perfect freedom, regulated only by a regard to the taxes which fall mainly, or exclusively, on the growers of corn. Of all human evils which can befal our population, there is none which can be compared to that arising from a difficulty of procuring food; and of all taxes to which the poor man is subject, none can be a hundredth part so oppressive as that which these prohibitory enactments are more or less calculated to produce, the doubling or trebling of the price of his quartern loaf.

To a "nation of shopkeepers," whatever relates to trade and manufactures, must be considered of the first importance. The decay of trade, too, will affect the revenue, and the deficiency of the revenue will necessarily have a strong bearing on the interests of the public creditor; so the increase of trade will necessarily connect in its train the improvement of the revenue, a more ample diffusion of the comforts and luxuries of life, and, with the friendly intercourse which it opens between distant nations, the growth of civilization and freedom. Aware of these facts, the prosperity of trade has engaged a considerable portion of the attention of our ministers. It is with a view to this desirable end that they have patronized and encouraged those geographical researches which were likely, in their results, to discover new avenues for British manufactures, and to furnish new objects

of commercial speculation. And although a difference of opinion might occasion a disapproval of some of their measures regarding trade, yet it must be universally acknowledged, that their design is to serve its interests. It is said, however, to be a maxim founded alike on actual experience, and in the nature of things, that with respect to trade, as to religion, the best thing the legislature can do is to let it alone. As it does not require the assistance of governments, so their interference would be in no way really beneficial. But it must be recollected, that in the situation in which we are placed, with an enormous weight of debt and taxation, it is hardly to be expected either that the manufacturer could afford his goods at such a rate as to be able to compete, in an unrestricted market, with the foreign manufacturer; or, if he were enabled by the fall of provisions to do so, that then the producer would continue to be able to pay his taxes. It appears, however, to be the wish of the minister to encourage the freedom of trade wherever it can be safely attempted; and it is much to be regretted, that so desirable and natural a system should have called forth the opposition which has been manifested to it. We are not without hope that the period will soon arrive when it shall be judged safe and expedient to abandon the whole restrictive system, and to expunge from the statute book the whole of that class of enactments. It is gratifying to observe, that where this system has been acted upon, a proportional improvement of trade has resulted. There are, notwithstanding, many considerations which involve the question in diffi

culty.

culty, and which require the most serious reflection and mature deliberation before the measure we have contemplated can be adopted. The free trade in East India sugar, for example, might produce a very favourable result in the enriching that vast dependence of the British nation, while it would also open a market in India for our manufactures. The immense capital permanently employed in the West Indies, however, must, on every consideration of prudence and indeed of humanity, cause a suspension of a measure which otherwise can only be viewed as calculated to produce the most solid advantages. It will, indeed, be obvious to every reflecting person, that, however desirable an unrestricted trade may be, it cannot for the present be regarded as an attainable object. It is a source of high satisfaction, however, to be enabled to state, that the manufactures and internal trade of the country exhibit a state of progressive improvement, and that the present condition is such as to justify the most sanguine expectation of their continued increase. In the last year the average of the exports of British manufactures exceeds that of the most productive years of war. The loss of some branches of commerce, which was anticipated at the return of peace, has been more than compensated in our own par

ticular trade. It must be allowed, indeed, that profits are in general lower than during the war, but trade and manufacture is considerably more active, so that the gain to the community is greater than the loss to the individuals. It is certainly a source of gain to the public when the comforts and conveniences of life are in abundance, as thereby more are enabled to buy, and every one is able to buy a greater quantity. And if the manufacturer cannot now obtain his large profits, such, for instance, as a state of monopoly commonly affords, the deficiency is supplied by the greater solidity, and especially by a gradual and certain increase of his trade, and the profits thus supplied on extended dealings; these would probably, indeed, be superior, on the whole, to what would be obtained during the state of monopoly. For it must be observed, that high prices do by no means form the criterion of commercial prosperity. Trade and commerce are then, and then only, in the highest degree of prosperity, when a low rate of profit upon extended dealings enables our merchants to go into the market of the world against every competitor, and gives and secures to them in every foreign country the never-failing advantages of British capital, machinery, and skill.

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