the streets and ditches of the typhus fever.

Lord Ellenborough asked at what period relief was afforded. The earl of Liverpool said a few weeks since.

The earl of Limerick was satisfied that government had done all that could be done.

Earl Grey did not feel any objection to the address moved by his noble friend. If it be true that government had taken timely measures to provide a remedy for the sufferers in Ireland, it would be satisfactory to the distressed to show, by the production of the correspondence, that at the time government were using coercion unprecedented, they were also taking means to alleviate distress. Lord Ellenborough said, in order to see what had been done for Ireland, they ought to have the papers moved for by the noble

earl.

Earl Blesington said, 5000l. had been sent off this day for the relief of the sufferers of Clare.

Lord Holland supported the motion. After some further debate the house divided. Contents 17-Non-contents 35. The address was consequently lost by a majority of 18.

The marquis of Lansdowne then addressed the house on the subject of the proposed contract with the bank for the renewal of their charter. The noble marquis deprecated the proposed bargain as injurious to the public. The advantage, if any could be derived, ought not to be given to any public body, but applied to the sinking fund. He wished to recommend a short bill, to enable the commissioners of the sinking fund to advance the loan, which was now considered neces

sary to reduce taxation. The noble marquis moved for an account of all banks in the country having less than six partners.

The earl of Liverpool said, it was the opinion last war, that it was more to the advantage of the country to let the sinking fund operate, than to contract with it for loans. That opinion might still remain. With respect to the present transaction, his majesty's ministers were anxious to contract for the benefit of the public, and if their contract was not advantageous, they would not make it. There was no loan yet made.

The motion was agreed to.

House of Commons, May 14.The hon. G. Bennet, brought forward his motion for leave to bring in a bill to alter and amend the mode of licensing public houses. He premised with stating, that his proposed bill was to be limited to England only, and would be, in its most material particulars, like that which he had formerly proposed, which was lost in another place. The bill would, in the first place, suggest material alterations in the regulations regarding recognizances, which, at present, were a mere matter of form; but it was his intention to make them securities of a real and substantial character. As the law now stood, the magistrates had little or no power to punish publicans for any improper behaviour, excepting by taking away their licences, which was calculated to inflict utter ruin on the parties. For the offence of tippling, to be sure, they might fine 20s.; but the publican might be willing enough to pay such fine, as perhaps he had made 51. by tippling. And between that mode of proceeding and depriving the

publican

publican of his licence, there was no middle course. For such of fences, and offences that regarded the general conduct of the house, he proposed to make the parties for the first and second offences to be fined by the magistrates; the second fine to be larger than the first; and the third case to be liable to more severe punishment. He had wished so to frame his bill, that such third offence should go to a jury, according to the general principle or the old law: but he found it to be the mode likely to meet with fewest objections, to enable the magistrates to inflict fine, or at once to shut up the house, the publican having the power to appeal to the next quarter sessions, so that the magistrates would be required to set forth their reasons for refusing to suffer the obnoxious house to re

main open. The next point which his bill embraced, touched on tender ground. At present the great majority of the public-houses were in the hands of brewers, and they were thereby enabled to drench the public with their own nauseous and poisonous stuff that they called beer. To remedy this evil, his intention was to propose to increase the facilities of obtaining licences. He proposed that a person having a house of 151. or 201.-on tendering good, ample, and real securities, such as the bill would describe, should be entitled, as of right, to demand leave or licence from the magistrates to open his house as a public-house. To prevent abuse, however, he should give the magistrates power to shut up such house at the licence day, if cause should be shown to warrant it. He trusted that entering into any

further observations now, would not be deemed necessary to obtain permission to introduce his bill. It would be ready in a day or two, and in such form it could be better considered. He concluded with moving for leave to bring in a bill to alter and amend the law regarding the licensing of public houses.

Mr. C. Calvert said, if the hon. member intended that the bill should go to a committee above stairs, it would not be necessary for him to make many observations now. If the "monopoly" that was spoken of were done away with, it might be a benefit to the public; but the house ought, at the same time, to make arrangements to secure to the poor man a pennyworth for his penny-for in many instances the earthenware mugs, called quarts, did not hold above a pint and a half.

Motion agreed to-for leave to bring in the bill.

Mr. Hume brought forward his motion on the subject of the Ionian islands. He went into an extended detail of the conduct of sir T. Maitland-the policy of his government-the expenses which it occasioned--and maintained that they were such as to call for the interference of that house. Without adding to our strength, and without promoting any advantage, offence had been given to the inhabitants by many of the proceedings of the governor; it had appeared as if too great regard were paid to the "legitimate" power of the Turks, while the exertions of the Greeks seemed to be decidedly discountenanced. Thinking that inquiry ought to be instituted-to ascertain whether England had kept faith with the Ionian islands

he

he concluded with moving, that a committee be appointed to investigate the subject.

Mr. Wilmot (the colonial secretary) opposed the motion, maintaining, that in all sir T. Maitland

had done, he had been justified by particular acts, or by the circumstances of the case.

For the

The house divided. motion, 67-Against it, 152-Majority, 85.

HOUS

OUSE of Lords, May 15.The royal assent was given, by commission, to the countervailing malt duties' bill, the bank of Ireland bill, the Irish commercial credit bill, the excise licences' bill, the Scotch malt, Scotch creditors', flax and cotton, innkeepers' subsistence, stolen securities, summary proceedings, and several private bills.

Several petitions were presented from Suffolk, Devon, Kent, Cornwall, Norfolk, and Bucks, all complaining of agricultural distress, and praying relief.

Lord Bute presented a petition signed by the high sheriff and grand jury of Glamorganshire, praying the house to abolish the present system of Welsh judicature, for the purpose of introducing the present system of England.

House of Commons, May 15.Mr. Ellison presented a petition from the county of Monmouth, agreed to at a public county meet

ing, complaining of distress, mainly produced by Mr. Peel's bill, which compelled them to pay twice as much produce to meet the demands on them as was previously required, and praying for a reduction of taxes, &c. The hon. member said he could not support the petition.

Sir R. Wilson asked whether the facts set forth were true?

Mr. Ellison said the remedies for the distress were not such as he could agree to.-Petition ordered to be printed.

Mr. S. Cooper presented a petition from the county of Sligo, complaining of the extensive distress in that county, as well as of the tythe system.

Mr. Abercrombie said, that the petition merited the most serious attention. Speaking of the tythe system, he mentioned an instance where a clergyman in Ireland, in the course of 15 years, had issued 6,000 processes for the recovery

of

of tythes. He admitted that the law was on the clergyman's side; but he mentioned the subject to show the house of commons what the law sanctioned.

Sir J. Newport spoke of the tythes on potatoes as one of the severest scourges that afflicted Ireland; and if there were not some remedial measure, suffering and outrage, unequalled by all that had been heard of, would be produced. Mr. Goulbourn explained some circumstances connected with the petition, particularly those facts that had led to the enforcement of the tythe on potatoes. The clergymen were driven to institute suits against the gentlemen in question; there was, however, he understood, a suit going on for the amicable adjustment of the case.

Mr. S. Rice said, that the existing evils in Ireland had their origin in tythes, and not in the rents; and he trusted, that ere long, the tythes would be cast on the protestant land-owner.

Plunkett admitted the greatness of the evil. But he knew of no remedy that would not affect the security of property; and then he feared that evils would be produced greater than those that it was desired to remedy. If they began with the property of the clergy, he did not know how that of the landlord would escape; and then where was the change to end? The evil he considered to result from the exaction of rents; and if the landlords would not come forward to afford relief, he knew not what would be the consequence.

Mr. Lennard rose for the purpose of proposing to the house the adoption of a resolution," that it was fit to appoint a committee for

the purpose of taking into consideration the expenses of the third class of the civil list." In treating this matter, his positions were, that the present was acknowledged, generally, to be a time of overwhelming distress and debt; that economy was called for by every class of men in this country-from the throne and from the cottage; that, under such circumstances, unless every possible saving was effected, and the most rigid economy adhered to, public credit could not be maintained. In the words of Mr. Burke, it might be said, "credit cannot exist in the arms of necessity-credit and necessity are natural enemies, and cannot exist together, or be reconciled one to the other." It would be considered, he thought, that at a time when economy was so loudly and so universally called for, there was no department in the state, into the charges of which they might more advantageously proceed to institute a severer inquiry, than in this. Honourable gentlemen would remember, that in the beginning of the present session, he had given notice of a motion for an humble address to his majesty, praying that his majesty would be pleased to direct certain reductions to be made in the various branches of the civil list. Since that period, it had been announced to parliament, that partial reductions had been made: he alluded to those which had taken place in the personal establishment of the sovereign, and to the reduction of 10 per cent. on the salaries of other state officers a matter to which he would presently call the attention of the house. It was the circumstance of such reductions having been effected that influenced him to call

upon

upon the house to limit the further retrenchments he should propose to the third class of the civil list. He thought he should have no difficulty in proving, that however proper it once might have been to afford a large expense for maintaining the pomp and dignity of those officers who belonged to the class in question; yet, in the present times, the house ought to grant nothing which was not absolutely called for. He could not refrain from expressing his regret, that the retrenchment which had been adopted by his majesty's ministers had not been pushed to a greater extent; for he conceived that it might have been much more extensive, without at all diminishing the proper dignity, or-as it was now the fashion to term it-" the influence" of the crown. He could not for a moment allow himself to suppose, that his majesty's heart was not truly affected by the existing distresses of the nation. Indeed there had not lately been one speech delivered from the throne, in which his majesty had not declared that he sincerely sympathised with his people. It would be for him (Mr. Lennard) to show, that the expenses of the department to which he desired to call the attention of the house were excessive; and that the main point he had in view was their diminution. It was hardly necessary that he should recal to the recollection of members his majesty's gracious speech, delivered in the beginning of the session; and in which he had recommended to that house, in the most decided terms, the adoption of economical measures. He was sorry to say, that that speech had been followed up, by its own makers-by its

very penners-coming down to the house, and, in defiance of their own propositions, contending that no practical good would result from the adoption of such retrenchments. The country would see, by the vote of that night, whether, after the recommendation contained in the speech from the throne, it was the will of those who framed that speech, or his majesty's gracious disposition, so expressed, was to be the rule by which that house was to be governed. Seeing what were the distresses of the country, it must be evident that every reduction which was possible to be affected, ought to be adopted throughout our whole expenditure. Another argument which ought to avail in the consideration of this subject was, that the civil list had been at various times augmented, because the value of money had fallen in this country.

It was upon this ground

that an augmentation took place in the year 1792. Mr. Pitt, on that occasion, said (in effect)— "That his proposition had for its object the advancement of the civil list. He had no disposition to prodigality or extravagance, but it was intended to meet that advance upon the prices of all the necessary articles of life which had taken place since the civil list was first fixed, and of which every individual in private life must have had experience. The arrangement which he had to propose, was not intended to insure any additional pomp or splendour, but was founded upon the measure that had been adopted in 1786. It proceeded upon the principle, that the allowances ought to be commensurate with the altered value of money." Now he (Mr. Lennard) should con

tend,