separable from that which is purely or specially geographical. We can but glance at two of these more general bearings of a book so rich both in facts and in suggestions. The volumes both actually propound, and, to a still greater extent, imply and suggest, some curious speculations as to the anthropology of Africa. Mr. Baker has evidently a kindly feeling for the negro; and, whenever he comes either on an individual negro exhibiting in any conspicuous degree any of the qualities that rank high in our reckoning of character, or on a tribe of negroes of any considerable bravery in fight or skill in handicraft, he takes pleasure in bringing the fact prominently forward. As evidently, however, his general estimate of negro humanity in its native state is the lowest possible. A lusty and exuberant brutality-an animalism so robust as to prove that the fate of the negro race can never be that of the American Indians, but must be one of more weight and persistence in the modern world-this is the best of what he found. Though he, doubtless, suppresses much that would have been too revolting for the British reader, the general effect of his pictures of native life in Central Africa may be summed up by saying that they leave the impression that, if by any means all the offscourings of British or any other European society-all the convicts, all the pickpockets, all the prizefighters, all the billiard-sharpers, all the ticket-of-leave men-could be transported up the Nile, and set down to shift for themselves in the basin of the Nile sources, they would be kings and priests among the native populations there, and a leaven of intelligence and comparative righteousness. In respect of religion, Mr. Baker reports that the universal state of the native negro mind is one of unmitigated and obstinate secularism. God, the soul, immortality, are ideas that seem never to have dawned upon it. "It apprehends no further than this world." Nor, has it, as such extreme secularism of mood might hastily be expected to have, any historical sense, any memory of the secular past related to itself. The great king Kamrasi could tell nothing of his own ancestry two generations back, nothing of the history of his nation. All this has been told, in substance, before; and the usual theory in explanation has been that the negro in his African home is Man in his low stage of developmentMan in the Fetichistic stage, as respects religious ideas, and exhibiting, intellectually and morally, all the moral correspondences to that stage of religion. Mr. Baker, however, inclines to a hypothesis which, while it would accredit the negro with a higher physical respectability, would remove him from ourselves by a more abrupt interval. He inclines to the hypothesis that negro humanity is an older organism than the European or Asiatic humanity which we account normal, or, if not an older organism, at least a distinct organism-a separate spurt of creation in peculiar physical conditions, though not so different from other or later spurts as to be irreconcilable with them. And, curiously enough, this view of negro anthropology fits in-though it is by no means necessary that it shouldwith certain views which Sir Roderick Murchison, partly in consequence of the information derived from Speke's book and this book by Mr. Baker, has been led to propound respecting African geology. Sir Roderick Murchison has for some time been of opinion that "from the absence of all marine deposits of the tertiary and detrital age, it is to be inferred that Central Africa has not been submerged in any of those geological epochs during which we have such visible and clear proof of great subsidences, elevations, and denudations in other quarters of the globe." He has also been of opinion that it is still more out of the question "to seek in the existence of former glaciers" an excavative power sufficient to produce such vast depressions as the Victoria Nyanza and the Albert Nyanza. Hence he concludes that "the discoveries of Mr. Baker, which show that the deep and vast lake of Albert Nyanza lies in a hollow subtended by hills and mountains of hornblendic gneiss, quartz, and porphyry, are an admirable datum" for geologists who may be inclined to argue that the peculiar structure of Central Africa must be referred to some remote primitive agency. Less dubious than Mr. Baker's views COUNT VON BISMARCK. FOR some time past the eyes of all Europe seem to have been turned upon Count Bismarck as the foremost man of Prussia and the leading statesman of Germany. In the present bloody con concerning native negro anthropology are his views on a political question of more immediate practical importancethe question of the duty of the civilized world, and of Britain in particular, as respects the present custody and stewardship of the negro. Those negro pop-flict on the Continent, the hand of Count ulations of the Nile and its sources which Mr. Baker visited, are, at present-so far as they are under any stewardship at all -under that of the Egyptian Government, a branch of that Turkish power which grasps also so many of the fairer lands of the East. The Egyptian Government is the agency at present deputed by the sufferance of Europe to manage the negro savagery accessible from the Nile; and only by the permission or assent of this agency can the haunts of this savagery be reached. According to Mr. Baker, this state of things is a monstrosity and a crime. The Egyptian Government have done nothing for interior Africa, do nothing at this moment for interior Africa, but infiltrate into it the virus of the slave trade. If Africa is ever to be made a partaker in the civilization of the world, the beginning of the work must be the abolition of the slave trade; and, so long as the Egyptian Government sits at the gate, this is impossible. Sooner or later the Nile negroes must be under another stewardship than that of the Egyptian Government, or of any Turks whatsoever. In this we cordially agree with Mr. Baker. Not the least merit of his book, to our mind, is, that it is likely to give a powerful specific stimulus to two convictions already making way in the British mind, but the furtherance of which is most desirablethe conviction, in the first place, that the Turkish dominion, wherever it exists, is an anachronism, and that all attempts to bolster it up are bad policy; and the conviction, in the second place, that our great national doctrine of non-interference, though kept in honor of late by the hosannas of public meetings, and perhaps provisionally useful for many practical purposes, is essentially a doctrine so base, so inconsistent with either the sound instinctive sense or the proper scientific theory of human duty, that the soul of Britain cannot long rest in it and live. Bismarck has been widely felt, directing and wielding powerful armaments with colossal energy and forecast. Henceforth he will have a large chapter in German history. The important results to all Europe now at issue in the quarrel of the rival powers, render the chief directing statesman in Prussia a centre of interest. Bismarck is no ordinary man, and plays no common part in the affairs of Europe. Self-contained, strong-willed, determined even to obstinacy, he is not careful to conceal his sentiments, nor slow to support his words by trial of strength. An elaborate comparison was made the other day between Count Bismarck and Count Cavour; Bismarck has, indeed, been called the Cavour of Prussia, but in objects and policy there is a complete difference. The resemblance exists chiefly between the personal qualities which the two men brought to their work-the same fixed resolve, the same steady perseverance, the same self-devotion but it fails altogether when we consider their aims, and the forces on which they relied. "Count Cavour," says a contemporary, Italy to political life after an entombment of centuries; Count Bismarck would strike down all northern Germany in order to build up and aggrandize his own government, which he places before all other considerations. As the portrait of so remarkable a man cannot fail of being an object of general interest, we have had it carefully engraved from a photograph obtained in London as a guarantee of its accuracy. We call to mind no face or portrait among the living or the dead, which reveals the whole character of the man in the lineaments of his face as this of Count Bismarck. It is almost a biography in itself, which a scrutinizing eye can easily read. It will be sufficient to offer the following brief sketch : "called Otho, Count Von Bismarck, was born in 1814, at Brandenburg, in the castle of Schönhausen, on the Elbe, about the time the minister appeared, the young man responded to his inquiry as to what he required by saying: "One hour and a half ago I wanted an audience; now I decline it." He did not forget the insult thus offered to his dignity; but when, by other channels he had risen to power, and the minister who had intentionally or unintentionally wounded his honor was himself in a subordinate position, he readily forgave the old grudge, and took no advantage of their altered circumstances. of the downfall of Napoleon I., at the Göttingen-entered the army, and served great and decisive battle of Waterloo, in the infantry. which gave rest to Europe for forty After the usual term of service, Bisyears. His early life was passed amid marck entered on diplomatic life, and a the localities made memorable by some characteristic anecdote is related of his of the most striking incidents in the first essay in patronage. He had been "Thirty Years' War." The family of promised some assistance by a minister Count Bismarck claims lineal descent of state, upon whom he waited by apfrom one of the ancient chiefs of a pow-pointment, and by whom he was kept erful Sclavonic tribe. He attended the waiting for an hour and a half. When college at Berlin, and subsequently went to Göttingen, the National University of Brunswick, Mecklenburg, Nassau, and Hanover. Göttingen is a famous place for fighting; duels take place often. The students are more self-willed and daring than any students to be found in Germany or elsewhere. It has been found necessary to erect a prison specially for the confinement of the reckless scholars, who are liable to ten days' incarceration on the sentence of the Prorector and Senatus Academicus. There is a story still told at Göttingen of the manner in which young Bismarck conducted himself in his days of pupilage. Being invited to a ball, he ordered a new pair of boots; but on the day before the ball took place he received notice that his boots would not be ready. Instead of submitting to his fate, going to the ball in old boots, or staying away altogether, Bismarck went down to the shoemaker, taking with him two enormous and ferocious dogs, which he assured the unfortunate Crispin should inevitably tear him to pieces if the boots were not ready by the following morning. Not satisfied with this threat, he hired a man who paraded the two dogs before the shoemaker all through the day, and occasionally reminded the luckless man of his perplexing predicament-" Unfortunate shoemaker! thou art doomed to death by the dogs unless the boots be finished." With a sigh, the poor shoemaker told his wife he must work all night, and so Bismarck obtained his boots in time for the dance. This anecdote of Bismarck, now that he occupies so distinguished a place in the State, is related with great gusto by the students of Göttingen, among whom the memory of Bismarck's college days is warmly cherished. At the age of twenty-one, Bismarckhaving taken degrees both at Berlin and M. Von Bismarck, was made member of the Diet of Saxony in 1846, and of the general Diet in the following year. The singular vivacity of his language, and his irrepressible tendency to start some bold and audacious paradox, which he then maintained with remarable vigor and ability, quickly fixed the attention of political people. One of the theories which he expounded in this fashion was to the effect that large cities were centres of all that was mischievous and wrong-that they were obnoxious in the highest degree to the general welfare of nations, and ought to be destroyed as hotbeds of evil principles. The Revolution of 1848 had the effect of completely confirming M. Bismarck in his absolute tendencies. The King had attentively watched the career of the young statesman whose political views were so eminently acceptable to him, and in 1851 M. Bismarck was invited to enter the diplomatic service. His talents were, it would appear, quite understood from the first; for soon afterward the post of Prussian representative in Frankfort was vacant; it was certain that difficult and delicate questions would then require to be discussed and settled, and Bismarck was appointed. Whether anything occurred here to wound his susceptibilities or irritate his dogmatic and overbearing temper, cannot be actually ascertained; but, undoubted ly, from that period may be dated his constant manifestations of enmity toward Austria. He never lost any opportunity of declaring, in season and out of season, that Austria was not only the hereditary foe of Prussia, but was a common source of danger to Germany, and disquiet and uneasiness to the whole of Europe. Though, in point of fact, Austria always has been, and in the nature of things always must be, a conservative power rather than otherwise, sluggish in commencing war, and more often condemned to defend herself than to attack others, by continual reiterations these accusations received a certain amount of credit. The Prussian Liberals did, indeed, dislike M. Bismarck, but not with that bitterness with which a man is said to regard the enemies in his own household. At any rate, they detested Austria more; and when, in 1862, M. Bismarck was sent to Vienna, and contributed largely to the exclusion of Austria from the Zollverein, organizing a systematic opposition to Count Rechberg and all propositions which emanated from him, the hatred of Liberal and Constitutional principles which has always distinguished the Prussian Minister was apparently forgiven, if not forgotten. It will be remembered that in 1858 a remarable brochure appeared, entled, La Prusse et la Question Italienne, in which an alliance of Prussia, Russia, and France was advocated as the sure means of establishing a German unity which should be at once safe and honorable. Of course, it was to be under the guardian care of Prussia. There is hardly any doubt that M. Bismarck, if he did not actually write this pamphlet, inspired it, and superintended its introduction into the world; and this fact gives a light where by to read its character, for it would seem that he is not only despotic in theory and daring in action, but that, contrary to the generally accepted idea, he has patience and can "bide his time." In 1859 M. Bismarck was sent as ambassador to St. Petersburg, and remained for three years at the Court of the Czar. Whatever influence he may have acquired there will probably remain barren, except under certain circumstances which are not very likely to arise. When M. Bismarck left St. Petersburg, he was, for about six months, ambassador at Paris, and was summoned thence to Berlin to officiate in the double capacity of Minister of Foreign Affairs and Master of the King's Household. This was in 1862. At this time Prussia was a prey to internal conflict, carried on, however, with a phlegmatic calm and cumbrous slowness which were both incomprehensible and vexatious to English politicians. The Lower Chamber steadily and resolutely resisted the military reorganization, which tended to weaken the landwehr as much as it would strengthen the standing army. That in this matter the members were guided by a wise instinct, is shown by the reluctance of the landwehr to commence hostilities in the present unjust quarrel, whereas M. Bismarck's strength lies in the readiness of professional soldiers to engage in any quarrel. The Budget was then condemned by an immense majority, but the Upper House approved it, and the session was abruptly closed by Royal mandate. Mr. Bis marck continued in power, and his administration was distingnished by extreme rigor toward the press. In 1863 an address was presented by the Deputies to the King, in which the Minister was straightly charged with having violated the Constitution. Soon after the Polish Revolution broke out, and contributed not a little to the difficulties of the Government. A secret treaty was concluded with Russia on the 8th of February, in 1863, and as soon as the Chamber was cognizant of the fact, a vote of censure was passed against the Ministry. M. Bismarck was nothing daunted thereby, and his conduct at that time may indicate what we are to expect of him generally. He became more than ever inflexible and headstrong. His apparent success in the Danish question did not, however, materially alter the hostile attitude of the Liberal party toward him, and in June, 1865, a storm broke in which constitutional rights and principles were effectually trampled on by the audacious Minister. It would appear that his abilities are by no means unappreciated at the Tuileries, since, when he left the Embassy at Paris, his Imperial Majesty conferred on him the Grand Cross of the Legion of Honor. Count Bismarck has been not inaptly named by his disaffected countrymen, Der Maan von Blut und Eisen, (the man of blood and and singularly restless eyes rather take iron.) His portrait shows it. A large from the otherwise thoroughly German head, capacious forehead, firm, resolute character of his features. mouth, and soldierlike bearing. Brilliant FIRST LOVE. TURNING Over papersDead-leaf drift of yearsIn the midst a letter POETRY. Stain'd and dim with tears! Face of any dead one Scarce had moved me so: There my First Love lying, Buried long ago. Darling love of boyhood, What glad hours we knewTears so sweet in shedding, Vows that were so true! Dear face round and dimpled, But to know she loved me, Was in joy to revel, Was to walk on air. Happy, happy love-time, -Shilling Magazine. WILLIAM SAWYER. [ENGLAND has lost much in the death of Keble, author of the Christian Year, etc. The following lines, by Rev. J. Gregory Smith, were sent to us by a friend in England :] JOHN KEBLE, DIED MAUNDAY THURS- IN slow procession, one by one, I may not call thee Friend. My hand Remotest hail and bless the star I here the while on bended knee O! Poet, whose seraphic lyre O! Sage, whose wisdom calm and clear O! Christian, not austerely good, Nor soured by pharisaic mood; Stern to thyself, to others mild, With children sportive as a child; Abhorring sin, yet not the less Compassionating sin's distress; Taught by the Cross, what wonders lie In love's mysterious harmony; The May-thorn dons her bridal wreath, May-winds their freshening odors breathe; Thrilled with new life all things upraise Their swelling symphony of praise; We miss the voice from which to learn How blest to welcome spring's return; But who shall say what strains arise Amid the choirs of Paradise ? TEDSTONE DELAMERE. TO-MORROW. I. G. S. 'Tis late at night, and in the realm of sleep My little lambs are folded like the flocks; From room to room I hear the wakeful clocks |