a

in which his prosecutor and he can be on equal terms. Certainly, circumstanced as he is, the most refreshing prospect which his eye can rest upon, is, an English Jury, and he feels with me, gratitude to the Ruler of empires, that, after the wreck of every thing else. ancient and venerable in Europe; of all established forms and acknowledged principles; of all long subsisting laws and sacred institutions; we are met here, administering justice after the manner of our forefathers, in this her ancient sanctuary, Here then parties come to judgment; one the master of the greatest empire on the earth; and the other, a weak defenceless fugitive, who waves his privilege of having half his Jury composed of foreigners, and pets himself, with confidence, upon a Jury entirely English.-Gentlemen, there is another view in which this case is highly interesting, important, and momentous; and, confess, I am animated to every exertion that I can make, not more by a sense of my duty to my client, than by a persuasion that this cause is the first of a series of contests with the freedom of the press. My learned friend, I am sure, will never disgrace his magistracy, by being instru 'mental to a measure so calamitous; but viewing this as I do, as the first of a series of contests between the greatest power on earth, and the only press that is now free, I cannot help calling on him and you to pause before the great earthquake swallow up all our freedom that remains among men, for though no indication has yet been made of disposition to attack the freedom of the press in this country, yet the many other countries that have been deprived of this benefit, must forcibly impress us with the propriety of looking vigilantly to ourselves. Holland, Switzerland, and the Imperial towns participated with us the benefit of a free press. Holland and Switzerland are now no more, and near fifty of the free Imperial towns of Germany have vanished, since the commencement of this prosecution."-Here Mr. Mackintosh drew an interesting picture of the former state of these free towns, exempted from the burthens of military establishments, and respected amidst the contentions of greater powers; they had leisure for observation, and reflection on what was passing around them. They formed a respectable portion of that mass of public opinion, which was the law of powers, who acknowledge no other controul. He could not contemplate a more interesting spectacle than the little Republic of Geneva, cultivating literature and science at the gates of the immense empire of Louis XIV. undisturbed and unthreatened. All this, said he, is gone; what may be the new order of things, it is not for me to say, but, I declare it to be my firm persuasion, that the total absence of all schemes of oppression, ever since the days of Louis XIV. has been owing to the freedom of discussion, which has, till lately, prevailed in most countries of Europe. If silence was observed at home upon such projects, 100 presses in foreign countries circulated them, and rendered them detestable throughout Europe. Tyranny dreaded to make any arbitrary stretches as long as there existed a free press, because no power was above its censure. Now that all this is gone, there is no longer any controul but what this country affords. Every press on the conti nent, from Palermo to Hamburgh, is enslaved; one place only remains where discussion is tree, protected by our government and our constitution. It is an awefully proud consideration that this noble fabric, raised by our ancestors, still stands undecayed amidst the ruins that surround

125.

You are the advanced guard of liberty,

permit me, therefore, to remind you of some of the principles on which our ancestors acted with respect to foreign powers in cases like the present. Here Mr. Mackintosh stated the law not to be defined exactly, so as to ascertain the limits that distinguished history and fair observation from libel. It was left to Juries to determine, in every single instance, by the malicious intention that may appear in the publication, and this confidence so reposed by the legislature, had never once been abused since the revolution. Political libel, he said, was different from all others; in cases of common libel, the severity of the punishment only struck terror into those who meditated guilt. But in cases of political libel, even a just punishment had the effect of deterring well-disposed men from discussion; as it was difficult for them to know how far discussion and history would permit them to go, and when they overstepped the limit. Thus, the best services that could be rendered to mankind were discouraged. It was on this principle that our ancestors were always tender in repressing discussions relative to foreign powers. Ever since our ancestors had the wisdom to abandon all notion of continental conquest, we had no views on the continent but such as arose out of a regard to our safety and the promotion of our commerce. The first and most important consideration of safety depended on the maintenance of justice and the preservation of nations in the enjoyment of their rights. When justice was thus violated, the safety that arose out of it and depended on it, was rendered insecure,. and it was material to observe and discuss every violation in order to check and prevent all excessive and dangerous aggrandisement. The interest of our commerce was a secondary consideration, but a material one, as the object was highly beneficial, not only to us but to the nations with which we traded, and to the whole world, in as much as it brought additional hands to labour, brought new lands into cultivation, and supplied fresh pleasures 10 man. It was therefore, most material, that a spirit of free discussion should exist, and be encouraged, for the purpose of checking all violations of rights; and whatever the enemies of this country may say, the advantage of this attention to continental affairs had been attended with the most beneficial effects to the powers of the continent. This island had been foremost to resist every inordinate and unjust project, and, on all such occasions, had stood in the front of battles not her own.

It was the happiness of this country, that the lowest individual had a right to discuss the public measures of his time, and though it may in some instances be conceived that this was injurious in times of domestic dissension, it could not be denied that it was always beneficial when applied to foreign affairs. Here Mr. Mackintosh went into the particulars of M. Peltier's publication, extending the liberty of historical discussion to the detail, not only of events, but of the probable causes and consequences of these events. Mr. Peltier was at liberty to detail the views of the factions into which the French republic was divided, and for this purpose to republish the writings of these factions. It was even justifiable in him to expose the principles of these factions, by writing in their spirit, and imputing to them expressions deducible from their principles. It was very likely that Chenier did, in fact, write the ode given under his name, and in that case, even though it should be severe and libellous on Buonaparte, could it be called a libel in Mr. Peltier, to republish it here? If it was, why were the English newspapers suffered every

day for ten years back to republish volumes of abuse and calumny vented against this nation and its government in the French journals, and lately, in a stile particularly malignant and atrocious, in the official journal, the Moniteur? No criminality was by any person supposed to attach to the newspapers, because there was no criminal intention in the republication, which was made only with a view to excite the detestation and horror necessarily consequent to such flagitious abuse of our national character and our government. Why pass over the republication of an article in which a most gallant officer was charged with exciting to assassination, and why suffer English newspapers to republish, without any imputation of a crime, the most infamous libels on a prince who had passed through a reign of 43 years, beloved and respected by his people, and without a single stain on his character? Why suffer the repetition of the most atrocious caJumnies on a nation, whose history afforded the extraordinary phenomena of mutinies without murder, mobs without massacre, and civil wars and revolutions without assassination? Why suffer the republication of articles, in which the garter, the badge of the conquerors of Cresse and Poictiers, and of so many successive generations of heroes, was stated to be designed to reward an assassin for executing his horrible design? On the same principle, that the English newspapers were, in all these cases, innocent and unaccused, Peltier was equally innocent in this publication. If it was in fact only the republication of the work of another writer, the republication was certainly blameless; and if it was even written by Mr. Peltier, with a view to give a dramatic character of the faction, by putting its principles in their natural language in the mouths of its leaders, he was equally innocent; or if there was any crime, it was a libel against Chenier or Ginguenet, to whom the article was imputed, and not against the First Consul. It was natural to think that a remnant of the Jacobin faction still existed in France; it was known that it did exist, and it was the nature of that faction to seek a refuge from the maledictions of those whom it had formerly oppressed and tortured in the resumption of its former power. The faction was active, and such a piece as this ode might well be among the means it employed. Mr. M. having, in the course of this last argument used the word republican in a sense which may appear to convey some censure, explained; he did not use the term as meaning Citizens of Republican Governments, many of which he respected, and particularly a new Republic of British growth. Neither did he mean it as any imputation on those whose political opinions favoured a republican form of government, but as a just sarcasm on those pretended republicans of France who used the name to cover the worst and most fatal hostility to freedom. It could not be that M. Peltier wrote this seriously for the purpose of promoting the royal cause. It would be madness in him to call upon the French citizens of the present day to avenge the cause of Rewbell and Barras, the worst enemies of royalty. If he could seriously address such language to French citizens for such a purpose, he was a much fitter object for a commission of lunacy than of a prosecution for libel; and this madness was rendered still more outrageous by adding to the council the name of the most declared and decided enemy of the party to which it was addressed. It may indeed come within the policy of a royalist to excite republicans to insurrection, with a view to profit by their broils; but if such a royalist meant not to defeat

his own purpose, he would conceal his name. It was however evident, from the context, that the Ode in question was not the work of M. Peltier. It appeared from the passage already cited, and of which a poetical translation had been read, that it was written by a fanatical republican, once hostile to England, now a little corrected in his judgment. but not yet perfectly reconciled: it speaks of the people resting on the law, resisting and setting at defiance the exertion of regal power; this certain ly could not be mentioned with praise by the Royalist, Peltier. My learned friend, said Mr. M. cannot forget that Swift did not mean, by his ar guments in defence of Atheism, really to support that doctrine; but, on the contrary, by that unrivalled specimen of irony, to ridicule and shame all such unprincipled tenets. Such were the motives of Butler for putting such odious sentiments in the mouths of Hudibras and his squire, and such were Peltier's for putting such sentiments as in some places he did put into the mouths of the jacobins. Not that even they, bad as they are, can be suspected, BY ME, of any design so shocking to buman nature as assassination: and Lown I am surprised to hear my Learned Friend say so seriously, that any allusion to the apotheosis of Romulus, or to the affair of Brutus and Cæsar, must necessarily have such a shocking and abominable object, as if these events, so much the themes of school-boy declamation, were not too familiar to excite any extraordinary propensity to imitation.-With respect to that part of the paper which alluded to the assassination of Cæsar, Mr. M. denied that when that event was spoken of, every man who used it, intended to recommend or justify assassination. He stated a variety of cases, in which that event had been alluded to in many authors who were never suspected of a wish to excite the commission of assassination. Nor could it be more safely inferred from the allusion to the apotheosis in use among the Romans. It might be that a man, disgusted with the numerous addresses which had been poured from all quarters, might fairly say, I even wish him the apotheosis as soon as he can have it; many of the Roman Emperors received the honours of a divinity, and yet lived; their apotheosis did not necessarily imply their death. He next adverted to the imputation of free discussion, and elucidated this part of his argument by precedents drawn from our own history. At the time when Queen Elizabeth, that wise and patriotic Princess, was beset around with formidable enemies, a powerful faction in the heart of her kingdom, and no resources but in her own mind, she, and it was a curious piece of history, published the first newspaper. Her Gazettes were still preserved, and by means of that dissemination of public opinion she roused the feelings of her subjects to a pitch equal to withstand any attempts that could be made upon them. Since that period newspapers had multiplied, and discussion had become more extended. During the reign of Louis XIV. who had formed the most gigantic plans of guilty ambition, he who attacked a free nation merely for his glory; he who had made subservient to his interests the GUILTY and INFAMOUS Prince who then governed England-yet his conduct was most freely canvassed. Nor did a venal court dare stop the inquiry and investigation of free minds, even when a Jefferies disgraced the bench which his Lordship adorns, nor even then did a venal judge and a corrupt court dare attack the freedom of the press. In latter times, to come to the partition of Poland: did that infamous transaction and public robbery pass without examination and

censure? We loudly spoke our indignation, though the robbers were our great allies; but our free presses spoke of them, not as according to the greatness of the characters, but according to the greatness of their crimes. He would put it to the Attorney General to say, what would have been his conduct if we had been at peace with France during part of the awful crisis which had convulsed her. When Robespierre presided over the Committee of Public Safety, was not an Englishman to canvass his measures? supposing we had then been at peace with France, would the Attorney General have filed an information against any one who had expressed due abhorrence of the furies of that sanguinary monster? When Marat demanded 250,000 heads in the convention, must we have contemplated that request without speaking of it in the terms it provoked? When Carrier placed 500 children in a square at Lyons to fall by the musquetry of the soldiery, and from their size the balls passed over them, the little innocents flew to the knees of the soldiery for protection, when they were butchered with the bayonet. In relating this event, must man restrain his just indignation, and stifle the expression of indignant horror which such a dreadful massacre must excite? Would the Attorney General in his information state," when Maximilian Robespierre was first magistrate of France, as President of the Committee of Safety, that those who spoke of him as his crimes deserved, did it with a wicked and malignant intention to defame and vilify him." The only restraint upon great criminals was, the public opinion; and to weaken the expression of that opinion was, in a great degree, to let loose the passions of the great, to prey on the weak and defenceless. He would again put the case of that Swiss patriot, descended from the hero of Switzerland; he, whose ancestor supported the liberties of his country; who conquered that pile 300 years ago, he of late had endeavoured ineffectually to defend. If he were to come to this country, the only asylum now left upon earth; if he were here to weep over the ruins of his country, must he be told that he must deplore his fate in silence; that he might groan deep, but it must not be loud? Better by far would it be that we should at once revert to a state of absolute barbarism, than thus have our feelings paralysed to all moral distinctions. He hoped and trusted that a British Jury would never be a party to such purposes. They never had done it, and in former times, when all other parts of the state had been corrupted, juries yet maintained their virtue and their independence. In the days of Cromwell, he twice sent a satirist upon his government to be tried by a jury, who sat where the jury then did. The scaffold on which the blood of the Monarch was shed, was still in their view. The clashing of the bayonets which turned out the Parliament, were within heir hearing, yet they maintained their integrity, and twice did they send his Attorney General out of Court with disgrace and defeat.'

The Attorney-General replied to the arguments of Mr. M'Intosh. Lord Ellenborough shortly addressed the Jury, who, after consulting together for the space of a minute, pronounced the defendant Guilty. The trial lasted seven hours.—A Correct Report of this Trial, will be given, at length, in our Supplement to Vol. III.

PARLIAMENTARY MINUTES.

Thursday, Feb. 17.-LORDS.-Bank Restriction Bill read a first time.

Friday, Feb. 18.-LORDS.-A Second Report was

made from the coinmittee appointed to re-examine the Lists delivered in, of Peers to form the Board of East India Judicature.-Lord Pelham moved for the production of an account of the outstanding Exchequer Bills, &c. at certain periods about the beginning of the late war.

Saturday, Feb. 19.-COMMONS.-The Speaker took the chair at past three; 106 members were present, and the House proceeded to a ballot for a committee to try the merit of certain contested elections, but only 43 qualified members were found. The House was then moved to adjourn to Monday, but previously to the adjournment, Mr. Addington said, that there was a necessity to have recourse to the power vested in the House, by the Act of the 36th of his present Majesty, to order an immediate call. After moving the reading of the proceedings of April 28, 1797, which were read accordingly, he then moved, that the House should be called on Monday, and the names of all those members who did not attend should be set aside for consideration on a future day, when on sufficient excuses not being given, the members so unexcused should be taken into custody by the Serjeant at Arms.

Monday, Feb. 22.-LORDS.-Pursuant to the orders on a former day, the following accounts were laid before the House, viz. An account of the number of Bank notes in circulation on the 25th day of every month in the last year, ending the 25th of of Jan. 1803 inclusive; also the number in circulation on the rst day of June, Aug. Oct. 1802, and 1st. of Feb. 1803, distinguishing those under 5 1.→→ An account of the standard prices of Bullion at different periods of the last year.-An account of the produce of the consolidated fund, with the sums chargeable thereon.

COMMONS. A call of the House took place pursuant to notice. Mr. Addington made the usual motions in cases of a call of the House, for taking absent members into custody, &c.; and also moved that such members as were serving upon committees, should be exempted from the effects of non-attendance in consequence of the call of the House. The Sheriffs of London presented a petition from the corporation of London, setting forth that Bethlem Hospital was in a ruinous state, and praying that it might be taken down and a new building erected in its stead. The House ballotted for a committee to try the petition against the election for Coventry, and also for Bridgewater.-Sir W. Elford moved “ that a select committee be appointed to inquire into the causes of the dismission of Mr. Marshall, and into other circumstances connected with his removal."-As this motion was not seconded, the House proceed. ed to other business.-The Bill for disqualifying Revenue Officers in Ireland from voting at Elec tions was read a second time.-Petitions were presented from the merchants of Grenada praying for pecuniary aid; from the Corporation of Bris tol, for the repair of the Harbour of that City; and from the Shoe-makers, Sadlers, and other Manufactures of leather, praying that the laws relative to the dressing of skins, should extend 15 miles

round London.

Tuesday, Feb. 22.-LORDS.-The Duke of Montrose moved an address to his Majesty on the occasion of his providential escape from the machi nation of designing traitors. The motion was se conded by Earl Camden; the address was then read, and passed nem. diss. (For the tenor of the address, see proceedings of the Commons.)-Certain accounts from the Bank, relative to the Bank

Restriction Bill were presented.-Bank restriction Bill read a second time.

COMMONS.-Bill for erecting a New Poor-house in the Parish of St. Pancras, read a first time.Lord Euston moved, "That an humble Address "be resented to his Majesty, offering to his Ma“jesty our most heart-felt congratulations upon "the detection and frustrating of one of the most #detestable Plots that the wickedness of mis"guided individuals could conspire to imagine. "A conspiracy, that whilst it afforded additional "proofs of the mischiefs of those detestable prin"ciples, was equally destructive of all practical, "moral, civil, and religious liberty that his "Majesty's faithful Commous, feeling sincerely "the importance of this discovery, hasten to as

sure his Majesty, as well in their own name as "in that of all the Commons of Great Britain, "that they are determined to support with their "lives and all that is dear to them, the Govern"ment and Constitution, firm and unchanged, to "the latest posterity."-Lord Boyle seconded the motion-Leave was given to bring in a Bill to regulate the process in the Irish Courts of Law, and assimilate them to those of England.-Mr. Alexander brought up the Report of the Committee of Expiring Laws.-The Militia Training Bili passed through a Committe.-Dublin Royal Canal Bill read a second time.

From the London Gazette, Feb. 19, 1803.-At the Court at St. James's, the 16th of Feb. 1803, present, the King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. This day the Right Hon. John Hiley Addington, was, by his Majesty's command, sworn of his Majesty's most Hon. Privy Council, and took his place at the Board accordingly.-His Majesty in Council was this day pleased to appoint.-J. W. Commeren, of Strood, Esq. to be Sheriff of the County of Sussex, instead of W. Margesson, of Offington, Esq.-H. E. Boates, of Rose-Hill, Esq. to be Sheriff of the County of Denbigh, instead of Lord W. Beauclerk, of Bathafern Park.-J. Forbes, of Ofnbodig, Esq. to be Sheriff of the County of Merioneth, instead of H. O. Hatchet, of Carrygadell, Esq.

DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPER.

Sentence of the Court Royal of Jersey, against two Prin ters of that Island, for having copied Paragraphs from the London Papers, reflecting upon the French Go

vernment.

Actions having been commenced, by the King's Attorney-General, against Jean Stead and Ph. Mourant, and they being ordered to take their trial upon a representation of the said Attorney-Gene ral, stating, that the newspaper, printed weekly by the said Jean Stead, and entitled Gazette de Jersey, and the newspaper also printed weekly, entitled La Gazette de l'Isle de Jersey, by Ph. Mourant, had for some time past, contained observations and reflexions injurious to the French Government, and tending to disturb the peace and friendship subsisting between His Britannic Majesty and the French Republic:

And the said Jean Stead and Ph. Mourant have ing been heard, by their counsel, it does appear that the offensive articles, printed by the abovementioned persons, which gave rise to the prosecution, have been extracted from the newspapers printed at London, and that neither the defende ants nor any persons employed by them, had writ ten any of the objectionable paragraphs: Notwithstanding which, the Court conceive it to be their duty, to declare their entire disapprobation of every species of injury or insult against the constituted authorities of established and acknow ledged governments; and, furthermore, they enjoin the said editors, for the future, to insert nothing in their Journals, in any degree tending to disturb the good understanding subsisting between the inhabitants of this island and the countries with which His Britannic Majesty is at peace.

JEAN DE VEULLE, Clerk of the said Court; Given this 5th day of Feb. in the year 1803.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

In a week so abundant in important political occurrences, we must lament that indisposition should prevent us from contri

ness the Prince Regent of Portugal, had an audience of leave of his Majesty.-And the Chevalier De Soussa Coutinho, his successor in the same character, had a private audience of His Majesty, to deliver his credentials.

St. James's, Feb. 16, 1803.-Ceremonial of the Knight head and Imestiture of Major General, John Francis Cradick, Knight of the Most Honourable Military Order of the Bath. The Knights, and the Officers of the Order, attended in the Privy Chamber in their Mantles, Collars, &g. and proceeded from thence, after the Levee, into the Sovereign's presence. Then, by his Majesty's, command, Major-General Johu Francis Cradock was introduced into the presence between Sir Hector Munro and Sir William Fawcett, preceded by the Register and Secretary.The Sword of State was thereupon delivered to the Sovereign by Sir William Hamilton, and MajorGeneral John Francis Cradock, kneeling, was knighted therewith. Then his Royal Highness the Duke of York, the senior Knight, presented the Ribbon and Eadge to the Sovereign, and his Majesty put them over the new Knight's right shoulder, who, bei g thus invested, had the honour to kiss the Sov reign's hand.-This ceremony was performed in his Majesty's closet, several of the great officers of the court, and Foreign Ministers being present.

not, however, refrain from saying a few words on two or three topics: and first, on the execution of the traitors. While the fate of these men was pending, while it was possible that any thing said by us might manner, affect their lives, we uttered not a though in the slightest and most distant syllable with respect to them, even when we heard their pardon demanded, in no very inaudible and unintelligible terms, and in more than one of the daily papers. Now, however, we think it our right and our duty to express a sincere satisfaction,. not that seven men have been put to death, not even that seven traitors have suffered the punishment due to their crime, but that in this example, a rampart has been formed. round the sacred person of our sovereign,, whose precious life has been heretofore so. often attempted with audacious impunity.

To all, and to every one, concerned in this most important transaction; to those who detected the crime, those who brought

the criminals to justice, those who condemned them, those who ordered their execution, and to those who fulfilled the dreadful behests of the law; to all, and particularly to the ministry, great and unqualified praise is due. To say that they have done no more than their duty, is, indeed, to say the truth; but, it was a most arduous duty; it was one, on the due performance of which, the very existence of the Monarch and the Monarchy depended; it was a duty that some men would not have performed; the ministers have performed it, and they 'are entitled to the lasting gratitude of the country. It is worthy of remark, that three out of these seven traitors were of that mischievous plotting sect, denominated Methodists. Mr. Rowland Hill (brother of Sir Richard Hill) has, it seems, thought proper publicly to deny, that any of these traitors belonged to his flock, and, at the same time, to inform the world, that he is a regularly ordained clergyman, and no methodist. We cry the Rev. Gentleman's mercy, for we really took him to be that very same person, who is to be heard bawling, for hours, at a stretch, every Sunday night, in a large round-a-bout meeting-house, at the foot of Black Friar's Bridge. Be this fact as it may, the traitors were methodists, and had a "teacher" of that sect to attend them in their last moments. Despard appears to have been a settled atheist; so that, of those who had any sense of religion, of any sort, the methodists made exactly one half: no bad criterion of the loyalty of those dark and dangerous fanatics, who are, by means of a system of affiliation the most complete that ever was imagined, extending their principles into the bosom of every poor-man's family in the kingdom. At the very out-set of our labours, we thought it our duty (See Vol. I. p. 176) to caution the rich and the well-informed against inadvertantly lending their aid to the artful leaders of this sect, who, under the specious guise of humanity, were endeavouring to root out from amongst the common people, all those rural and athletic sports, which were so well calculated to instil into their minds honour, generosity, and a love of glory. We compared these puritans of the present day to those of the reign of Charles 1. and we concluded by lamenting, that "too many of the rulers of "this land are now hunting the common people from every scene of diversion, and "driving them to a club or a conventicle, at "the former of which they suck in the de" licious rudiments of earthly equality, and,

"

"at the latter, the no less delicious doctrine, "that there is no lawful king but king Je

sus."-Mr. Polwhele, to whom the coun try is very much indebted, has, in his anecdotes of methodism, given some most shocking proofs of the bloody-mindedness of these people; and, if there be a subject, which, above all others, demands the immediate attention of Parliament, it is that of the methodistical affiliation, which, as we have just observed, is extending its baleful influence into every cottage in the kingdom, implanting, wherever it goes, a rooted enmity to the Church and the State.

Of MR. PELTIER's trial we have much to say hereafter. In the mean time we beg leave to refer the reader to Mr. M'Intosh's speech (p. 277); and if he pays attention to the passages, which we have marked by Italick characters, he will readily conceive, that it will not pass without comment from us.

But our readers will find, by a reference to page 286, that Mr. Peltier is not the only gentleman who has, already, been prosecuted for libels, by order of Buonaparté. We this morning received, from our correspondent at Jersey, the sentence of the Court Royal of Jersey against two printers of that Island, for having copied paragraphs from the London papers, reflecting upon the French Government. We shall present our readers with some observations on this interesting subject in our next.

From the information, which we have received, within this day or two, we should not be at all surprized, if the " safe politicians" were upon the eve of making some other sacrifice to the preservation of peace; for, as to their going to war, the thing is absolutely out of the question. They know, that the country would not leave a war in their hands for a single hour; and, they are firmly resolved to keep their | places.

NOTICES.

The Letter to LORD ST. VINCENT will apGLISHMAN" has not yet been read; but shall be pear next week.-A Long Article from " AN ENattended to in a few days.

A Correspondent, who has been so good as to point out to us certain parts of what he happily enough calls Mr. M'Intosh's "invincible speech," may be assured that we shall not overlook them. We do, indeed, intend to take the liberty, next week, of addressing a letter to Mr. M'Intosh on this subject. In the mean time we would beg leave to caution the Morning Post to be moderate in its puffs; for, the higher a thing rises the lower it may possibly fall.