by the operation of their navigation act we shall be restricted in our trade to that nation, to the carriage of goods, the growth or manufacture of our own country only. Nor will a repeal of the act alluded to give to Great Britun alone the advantages we have mentioned; they will be enjoyed by other nations, whose vessels will be allowed all the privileges of American built ships, without an equivalent on their part. stivers to 45 stivers per ton; but if built of live oak and cedar, she will cost at the rate of from 50 stivers to 551. per ton. 2dly, The materials composing equipment, such as iron, hemp, sail cloth, &c. &c, are all cheaper abroad than they are here, and the price of labour for working them is supposed to be 50 per cent. less there than in the United States. Sdly, Foreigners navigate cheaper. Seamen's Your memorialists believe, that laws for the wages are lower, and many of their crews protection of American built vessels, owned consist of apprentices without wages. The by American citizens, are equally advantageous apprentice act of Great Britain renders it in to the agricultural, manufacturing and com-cumbent on every owner or master of a vessel mercial interests. Placed at a great distance to take with him a certain number of apprenfrom Europe, we may hope we shall seldom tices, and this they find so advantageous, that be involved in the wars which so often afflict they frequently double or treble that number; that portion of the globe, and our experience more especially vessels from the north of Eng for several years past demonstrates the advan- land. Every inerchant engaged in commerce tages enjoyed by a neutral nation, possessing knows that the Hollanders, Hamburghers, the means of exporting its own merchandize in Danes, Swedes, &c. &c. man their vessels its own vessels, with a still greater proportion of apprentices; and in the cheapness of their living, cloathing, &c. &c. they have a very material advantage over the vessels of the United States. Believing that a repeal of the laws before mentioned will discourage ship-building, deprive our country of the profits at present derived from the employment of American vessels, and again make us dependent on foreign nations for the exportation of the products of our soil, your memorialists pray that the said laws may not be repealed. [Presented January 24, 1803.] Thus it appears that foreigners can build cheaper, and sail their vessels cheaper than we can; and it may be added, that Europeans are generally satisfied with a less gain than the American merchant can afford to receive. Lastly, Although it has been said, that for us to meet the advance on the part of Great TO THE HON. THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF Britain, and to repeal our countervailing acts, REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES would place the two nations on an equal footTHE MEMORIAL OF THE CHAMBER OF COM-ing, yet your memorialists conceive, that while MERCE OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, RE SPECTFULLY SHEWS, That your memorialists view with much alarm the renewal of an attempt to repeal the acts making discrimination between American and foreign duties on imports and tonnage, and pray leave to submit to the consideration of Congress the following objections; 1st, It will diminish the revenue to an amount, which, taking past years as the guide, would not be less than 450,000 dollars per annum. 2dly, It will essentially injure the commerce of the United States, as its effect will be by opening the market for freight to the lowest bidder, to shift the carrying trade from the hands of our own merchants into those of foreigners. This, your memorialists believe, will appear from the following considerations: 1st, Foreigners build their vessels much cheaper than we can do. From actual calcuJation, it is found that a vessel, built of European oak, and equal to those built of our live oak, (which besides is nearly exhausted) costs, when equipped for sea, at the rate of 36 stivers 25 cents. per ton and if built in Finland, of their fir, of which they have abundance, equal in duration to our common oak, and fitted for sea in the same manner, she will cost at the rate of 19 stivers per ton; while the American vessels, built of our common oak, and not so well equipped, will cost at the rate of from 40 Great Britain retains her present navigation act, this would be very wide of the truth. We on our part should thus permit Great Britain to bring hither not only goods the growth or ma nufacture of that country, but of all others, while on her part, by the navigation act we have just referred to, we shall be expressly confined to the carriage of goods, the growth or manufacture of the United States. To this may be added, that British vessels would then bring a cargo from their own country to this, take a freight here to their colonies, where our vessels are not admitted, and from thence a third freight home, making thus three freights in one voyage. The value of the importation cargoes is so much greater than the value of our exportation dutiable cargoes, that the extra du ties paid by the foreigner are, in many cases, equal, and in some cases more than equal, to the whole freight; so that the acts which are now proposed to be abolished, operate nearly as a prohibition to the foreigner, and leave us, in a manner, without competitors in our own market. After all that has been said, it hardly needs to be added, that if our ports are thrown open to foreign, on the same terms with our own, vessels, as by this repeal is contemplated, (for it is in vain to attempt to confine the measure to the British,) they will croud our wharves, underbid our freight, monopolize the markets, and COTTON IN AMERICA. and leave the American vessels idly to rot in | ON THE CULTIVATION AND MANUFACTURE OF our docks. Your memorialists have, therefore, no hesitation in declaring, that in their opinion this measure will be a fatal blow to the American carrying trade, It would be easy to show in the detail that this would in its consequences prove extremely injurious to the agricultural and the mechanical classes of our citizens. A few general observations only will be indulged. 1st, As to the agricultural.-Although, generally speaking, freight is paid by the consumer, and therefore it may be said it is immaterial to the farmer how high or how low it may be, yet this is not the case when the demand ceases or slackens; it then falls back on the husbandman. But to transfer our carrying trade to foreigners, will be to lessen very much the chance of the demand. The active enterprize of the American merchant is constantly looking abroad to every part of the world for a market, aud if it is any where to be found, or if there is only a reasonable presumption that it may be found, the farmer meets with a ready vent for his produce. Perhaps the calculations of the merchant may be disappointed, and he even ruined; yet the misfortune reaches not the farmer, he has the same benefit of a good market. But should the American vessels once disappear, he must then lie entirely at the mercy of chance-adventurers for a market; and when the demand is not very great, the price of the freight will be deducted from the article itself. All this must necessarily tend essentially to lessen the value of the farmer's produce. 2dly, As to the mechanics.-That numerous class of mechanics, who are connected with ship-building, the carpenter, the blacksmith, the sail-maker, the rope-maker, &c. &c. will of course be deprived of employment; their labour will neither be wanted nor paid for. [The following Essay was originally published in the Philadelphia Aurora. The author clearly points out the propriety of establishing some branches of manufacture in the United States, for the consumption of part of the staple commodities of the country. After a comparison of all the different branches which may be pursued, he gives the preference to that of Cotton, which, from various causes, he proves might be carried on with great advantage to America.] TO THE GOVERNMENTS OF THE UNITED Enquiries which respect the internal econo+ my of our country are of a peculiar importance to a nation without transinarine dominions, and which was born and educated under the instructions and regimen of an European parent. It was not 'till after the lapse of fourteen years from the period of separation, that we became united in that system of civil polity (different from every ancient or modern plan) which we enjoy at this time. It was not till after a longer term that we freed the American mind from the influences of the principles of the ecclesiastical establishments and institu tions, which predominate in fact or by law in the three kingdoms, in union with which we commenced our being. The commercial spirit of those kingdoms passed over to us, occasioned our eyes to be long shut to the important truth, that the agricultural interest was the most important in our country. Blinded by the same cause, we did not perceive that we were capable of the useful arts and trades, though necessary and profitable manufactures had grown up among us as spontaneously as the trees of our forests. America has ever profited by deliberate and calm self-examination,and no disquisitions have tended more to her honour and prosperity than those, which have been calculated to produce a conduct grounded on the nature and circumstances of things at home. To conclude.-Our ships being thus banished from our shores, we shall no longer furnish a nursery for our seamen, but that valuable class of citizens will be driven to seek for their bread in other countries, and in any future Eu- It is now seventeen years since the course of ropean wars which may happen, and which those enquiries led us to enter upou the subject are constantly liable to happen, we shall find of the MANUFACTURING BRANCHES of trade, ourselves without seamen or ships to avail our-in more form and with as much zeal as at any selves of that neutral position, which reflection former period. The advancement of the manuand experience equally warrant us in calculating factures of the instruments of defence, of paper, upon, as one of the blessings allied to our re-books, maps, prints, and other things instrunote and secure situation. On the whole, your memorialists cannot refrain from expressing the belief with which they are strongly impressed, that to repeal the discriminating laws which have operated so happily to increase our navigation and commerce, would be a measure highly prejudicial to various and important interests in the community, detrimental to the revenues of the country, and in a national point of view, extremely impolitic. They therefore pray that the repeal may not take place. mental to useful knowledge and science, of household fabrics, of the implements of agriculture, navigation, and the useful trades, of every description of furniture and carriages, of sugar, snuff and tobacco, of malt and spirituous liquors, &c. &c. evince the beneficial consequences. The object of this address is to pursue domestic enquiry to pursue it in relation to home manufactures-to pursue it with a view to the adoption (perhaps) of a new principle of public conduct. To this end a question is proposed to be respectfully submitted to the federal and state governments. "Whether the United States may not safely " and profitably make an experiment of well "devised and complete encouragements to some "one branch of American manufactures; and " what that branch should be ?" Many of the most early and zealous friends of American manufactures have hitherto refrained from suggesting that the productions of our domestic arts and trades should be generally encouraged by high duties on the importation of foreign rival goods. They have feared to impede the improvements of the country by excessive duties on foreign articles used in building houses, stores, mills, &c. They have feared to impede the progress of knowledge by excessive duties on foreigu books, and the instruments of science. They have feared to burthen the poor, the young beginners, the industrious, and the great mass of the people, by excessive duties on foreign manufactured goods, for their clothing, furniture, and general consumption. The best friends of American manufactures have feared that high general duties might embarrass or derange our finances and public credit, by affeeting fair and free importation. They have prudently respected the doubts of many of our fellow-citizens about our interest in manufactures, and our abilities to produce them. They have been uncertain about the acquisition of foreign machinery, manufacturing secrets, and artizans. They have seen the possibility that foreign trade laws might be so framed as entirely to prevent the importation of the properest raw materials. They have feared that too many of our farmers might be diverted from agriculture to manufactures. Other objections have occurred, and the moderation, prudence, and candour of the friends of American manufactures have chearfully yielded to every reasonable doubt, and to every fair argument, in its full weight. 2061 Under these gradual, moderate and prudent An attempt to estimate certain American manufactures. Dollars 1,000,000 8,000,000 1,225,000 500,000 500,000 1,000,000 Carriages for work, including like repairs, The whole of our hemp, fax, cotton, bair, Beer, ale, and porter, Distilled spirits, 10,000,000 gallons from Coopers' wares, oak, pine, cedar, &c. Earthen, glass, and stone wares, tures, cards, plane stocks, machinery, &c. Paper making, including hangings, Gunpowder, It has happened, however, that for the mere purposes of revenue, an impost has been laid upon all foreign rival manufactures. This impost has been gradually increased from 5 to 7 1-2 10 and 12 1-2 per cent. which last is, at this time, the lowest rate of duty. It is also true, that for the proper and declared encou-Wheel-barrows, hand ditto, corn fans, ragement of certain manufactures, additions to the lowest rate of duty have been made of 21-2, 5, and 7 1-2 per cent. so that various American manufactures are encouraged by duties on the foreign rival commodities of Besides 2 1-2, 15, 17 1-2 and 20 per cent. these, there are import duties upon particular articles, which are at higher rates. The duties, for example, of 8 cents per gallon, on all fermented malt liquors, and 20 cents per gallon on distilled grain; spirits 6 1-2 to 9 cents per b. on refined sugars; 50 cents per doz. on wool and cotton cards; 400 cents per cut. on the twine and pack-threads; 25 cents per pair on shoes; 2 cents per lb. on soap and candles; 10 cents and 22 cents per l. on manufactured tobacco and snuff, &c. &c. 500,000 4,000,000 20,000,000 500,000 5,000,000 500,000 200,000 1,000,000 3,000,000 350,000 100,000 10,000 50,000 300,000 50,000 50,000 500,000 500,000 Book printing, binding, and engraving, 1,000,000 If the list shall be carefully examined it will be found that these manufactures give a rostan immense support to our planters, farmers, freeholders, and fishermen, by the demand for our country and fishing produce, and for buildings, and that some of them are highly favour able able to the American ship owners, by employing imported molasses, sugars, skins, woods, dyes, metals, hemp, flax, wool, tallow, and other raw materials and ingredients. Are we prepared to sacrifice this noble encreasing branch of American industry?-Will we suffer ourselves to neglect it for a moment? Will we not rather continue prudently to nurse, to foster, and to encourage the useful arts and manufactures? There can be but one opinion -one reply. But it ought to be the unanimous endeavour to promote American manufactures with as much deliberation and prudence as effect. Let us take care not to disturb our necessary revenues, not to derange our well ordered finances, not to impose unreasonable burdens on the consumer, not to attempt manifest impracticabilities, not to impede our young improvements, and not to aim at too much by touching the subject with strong alternatives at too many points. We cannot at this crisis encourage, by additional, encreasing and prohibitory duties, all American manufactures, without producing most of the evils we have held up, in candid prudence, in this investigation. It is not meant therefore to press upon the public consideration, at this moment, any general measures to promote American manufactures. It is not intended here to ask even the consideration of such measures in favour of any two branches; it is merely wished that new and proper protections and encouragement may be considered in reference to some one single branch. No material or sudden diminution of our revenues can be produced by higher duties not very slowly encreasing upon a single branch; and no objection to a general forcing of manufactures more deserves to be respected than the possible injuries to our revenue, finances and public credit. These are never to be injured never to be put at hazard. Let them be for ever protected by all our prudence, and by perfect good faith. But let us proceed to select, merely by way of example, a single branch of American manufactures, and apply to its discussion our soundest principles and our best reflections. The cotton manufacture of the United States of America is proposed to be encouraged, extended, protected and established by all the means in our power. Being a single branch of manufacture, it cannot put any large sum of present revenue at hazard. The amount of cotton goods imported is very far inferior to that of the woollen goods imported; it is also supposed to be considerably inferior to the value of the linen goods imported. The iron goods imported are likewise greater in value; the duties on foreign liquors, and foreign sugars are much greater. As therefore the present duties on cotton goods are not even of secondary consequence in our scale of revenue, gradual diminution of that part of the revenue could not sensibly affect our resources. As the revenue from no single article can derange our treasury business, so this particular revenue (from foreign cotton goods) cannot from its moderation be even felt; but if we raise the duty on such goods from 12 or 15 to 20 or 25 per cent. the first year, the extra duty on a less quantity imported may yield nearly an equal revenue. It is respectfully submitted, whether these considerations do not obviate the objections, justly urged at this time, against the dangers of universal high protecting duties destroying or detanging our impost revenue. The vast extent of country which will pro duce cotton, is a serious consideration to in duce a selection of it for extraordinary encouragement. From the southern boundary to the fortieth degree of north latitude, cotton has certainly been produced. It may therefore prove to be worthy of the attention of all our citizens, living south of a line drawn from Tom's river, through Philadelphia and Pittsburg; and this invaluable plant does not refuse its increase in light, weak and stony soils. The manufacture of cotton merits the universal consideration of the American people, because it will render cotton-wool a permanens staple article of agriculture and trade; and, by fixing it for ever upon that footing, will make an important addition to the variety of American commodities, and of course to the stability of their prices. If all our countrymen were employed in raising rice, tobacco, wheat, and cattle, those commodities would often be distressingly low from their redundance; but if half the states shall raise tens of millions of cotton, then will our wheat, cattle, &c. support much better prices. As the cotton manufacture is effected more than any other by labour, saving machines, it is freer from the objection of the dearness of labour than any other; and it is perfectly clear, that the dearness of labour is an argument for any labour-saving plan. As there are very few of our native citizens who understand the cotton manufacture by machines, the promotion of this branch will not divert many of our farmers from agriculture. We have an unlimited command of the powers of steam, horses, draught oxen and water, to move our cotton machines and mills. We have lately disengaged the powers of the earth to produce cotton, by the discovery and extensive use of a variety of mills and machines, to free the cotton-woc from the cotton-seed, Fifty thousand dollars have been granted by a single state to purchase the patent right of a cotton-ginning or cleaning machine within its own jurisdiction. This fact does honour to the wisdom, spirit and fairness of South Carolina.--We have obtained and possess the common hand spinning jenny, which makes by one person, male or female, from 40 to 120 cotton threads at one time; also the carding machine to go by hand, horse, ox, or water; also the roving machine, to reduce cotton wool into ropes or yards of the size of a goose quill; als seat. also the mule, spinning by hand 120 fine threads; also the water-spinning machinery of Arkwright, to spin perpetually at any mill We also possess the machinery for doubling and twisting thread, for hosiery, and the British and German stocking-weaver's looms, for making every article of hosiery, from feet-socks to pantaloons. In ancient Greece and Macedonia, now en slaved provinces of European Turkey, twenty thousand bales of cotton-wool, each weighing three hundred pounds, are spun annually into yarns or threads, and dyed with their own vermillion. The Greek and Macedonian women use neither the great nor the small spinningwheel, nor the jenny, the mule, the water spinning machinery, nor the carding nor roving machinery. They use only the spindle, without any addition. It is impossible then to doubt, that these states must succeed in the manufacture of their own cotton, with the powerful and various aids of the modern Euro spin, and twist. With such aids, and with all our other means and advantages, we cannot fail to succeed in a business, in which the unhappy subjects of the civil and religious despotisin of Turkey have, for a series of years, done so much for domestic and foreign con sumption. There have arrived in the United States from Europe, a very considerable number of engine and machine makers, carders, spinners, rovers, twisters, weavers, callico-printers, dyers, &c. ready to work on wages as moderate as they received in Great Britain, Ireland, and other parts of Europe. These persons want employ-pean labour-saving machinery, to card, rove; ment in their own proper lines of business. Every man among them who succeeds in this country, will induce others to follow him. There are important and unalterable circumstances in the United States to draw men to us, who are acquainted with every useful art and manufacture. Some of the most obvious of these are, perfect religious liberty; a sober equality of civil rights; the cheap and easy acquisition of freehold estates for residence, manufactories, and farms; the cheapness of government, and consequent moderation of taxes; the rare phenomenon of a voluntary executive and legislative reduction and abolition of duties and excises; the non-existence of tythes, excises, and national land-tax; the perfect security of property; the uniform success of numerous well intentional emigrants, and particularly from Great Britain and Ireland, Germany, France, Holland, Switzerland, and Sweden. It is impossible to conceive, that there can be any miscalculation, in confidently relying upon every necessary acquisition of the aid of foreign artists to conduct the American cotton manufactory, if it shall be vigorously and effectually encouraged by law, when we remember the great numbers of useful and able men, who have come to us from foreign countries, as ministers of religion, instructors of the rising generation, agriculturists, lawyers, physicians, merchants, land and sea officers, manfacturers, mechanics, journeymen, mariners, and labourers in every line. If we have had such extensive advantages in procuring valuable foreign emigrants, who have been completely successful in branches not con-nufacture of cotton goods. nected with labour saving machinery, can we doubt much more rapid and great success in branches, where the saving of labour by the ingenuity and skill of one thousand hands will yield them and us the benefits of ten thou sand? It is favourable to an attempt to establish the cotton manufacture, that a large proportion of the foreign cotton goods, which we import, are dyed, stained, printed, or in some way coloured; because, indigo, woad, madden, various barks, and other dye-stuffs are produced in the United States; and other dye-stuffs, which we do not produce, are daily imported from foreign countries, and reshipt from hence to other foreign parts. There is an important reason for promoting our own cotton manufactures, arising out of the present circumstances of the East Indies. We receive from thence great quantities of cotton goods, which are not (as the manufactures of Great Britain) made out of our own cotton. The use of those East India cotton goods is doubly injurious: first, because we do not manufacture them; and, secondly, because we do not produce the cotton of which they are made. Though those ports of India belong to Great Britain, the parliament has absolutely prohibited the consumption of their cotton manufactures in Britain and Ireland. Those goods, of course, come to us in much greater quantities to rival the foreign and domestic manufacturers of our cotton. If we were to refuse or burden the importation, the British East Indian would extend the cultivation of sugar, coffee, cocoa, ginger, spices, pimento, arnatto, and other things adapted to their climate, which we consume and do not ourselves produce.-They would manufacture more silks, more saltpetre, and other fabrics, which we might require and admit, because they do not injure our agriculture, nor interfere with our cautious, but steady and unceasing endeavours to establish the American ma It is obvious to every man of correct information relative to the four original eastern states, that they are in a very serious situation as to wood and fuel. Their buildings are very generally of wood, and require large quantities of boards, scantling, and logs to keep them in repair.-Much wood is also wanted for new buildings, old and new fences, ships and boats, casks for their fish, pot ash, spirits, beef, pork, molasses, &c. and for the household fuel and workman's-fuel. Their population is great and increasing. They have no mines of coal. The coal mines of the east are all in the hands of the British colonists. On those facts an important suggestion is respectfully submitted to |