pensate any country for the loss of its resident | power to confined debtors to appeal to th gntry. The example of their lives, the en- magistrates at quarter sessions, and that, if couragement of their countenance to indus- those magistrates see cause, they should be try, the protection of the weak, and seeing and enforcing a regular and impartial administration of justice, were duties which the great owed to their situation; they belonged to their residence, and the want of them no advantage could compensate. HOUSE OF LORDS. Friday, May 6.-(See Minutes, p. 811.) [INSOLVENT DEBTORS.]-On the motion for the committal of the insolvent debtors' bill, Lord MOIRA rose, and took a wide and comprehensive view of the laws of this country with respect to debtor and creditor, and complained of the power which, contrary to the principles of the constitution, and the precepts of universal justice, the creditor now possessed of inflicting punishment upon his debtor. It was the only instance in which an individual was allowed to be judge in his own cause, and permitted to subject another man to penal imprisonment (for it was cavilling with terms to call it any thing else), without any proof of delinquency. Against this default it was his wish to provide a remedy, not by a temporary act, but by a permanent regulation. It was a common saying, that there were twenty evil debtors to one cruel creditor. | He would not deny that fraudulent debtors were numerous-perhaps, more than half of those who contracted debts did so, either with no intention to pay, or squandered the means which should be applied to that purpose. Such persons it was the object of his measure to exclude; but though he meant to propose so to do, he would not be understood to accede to the whole of the saying he alluded to. There might be many evil debtors, but that could only be assumed, while the cruelty of creditors was proved by many record. It was proved by the Report of the Society for the relief of persons confined for small debts, from which it appeared, that in the year ending the 1st of March 1802, they liberated 1125 persons, who were confined for debts, on an average not exceeding 21. 75. 2d. per head; and these poor prisoners had 500 wives and 1400 children. On the feelings and justice of such creditors, he thought a comment would be superfluous. He cited the case to shew the pressing necessity for legislative interposition. The Noble Lord stated the bill he held in his hand to be merely a transcript of the last bill which the House had adopted; but that in the committee he meant to propose a clause which would obviate the necessity of any further insolvent bills, for the object of it would be to give a invested with an authority to refer the case to a re Lord ELLENBOROUGH defended the system of arrest which had so long existed, as necessary to maintain that credit which was the life and son of the country, and he therefore opposed the Noble Lord's project. With respect to the Noble Lord's allusion to the 1100 prisoners released by the Society for relieving persons confined for small debts, he observed, that their confinement was necessary to maintain that credit upon which so many thousands of the poor subsisted; and if these eleven hundred persons were not confined, perhaps eleven millions would have starved. As to the general operation of the insolvent bill, he could state that persons were in the habit of rushing into the prisons the moment such bills were announced, in order to avail themselves of this indulgence. He believed, in fact, that the prisoners really entitled to the benefit of such acts were very few; and he was certain these few would, when their case was explained, not fail of success in an appeal to their creditors. The LORD CHANCELLOR followed on the same side, and asserted, that among the most prominent features in the British character, was the humanity of an English creditor; and this he had an opportunity of knowing, from his own experience in the administration of the bankrupt laws. He had therefore no fear that persecution would be practised on the debtor whose inability was not attributed to want of principle or industry. With regard to the insolvent debtors' bills generally, they were to be considered with relation to the creditors as well as to the debtors, and to the public at large. To creditors he considered them unjust, to the public injurious, and to even debtors inhuman, for they encouraged improvidence. So much was he of that opinion, that, instead of agreeing to the Noble Lord's proposition to prevent arrest for any sum under 207. he would rather recommend to allow it for any sum over 51. as really more humane and best calculated to prevent litigation. As to this bill in particular, he understood, that from the first time it was mentioned persons rushed into prison, in the hope of benefiting by it, and that every step it had gone through the House the number was inereased. After an able reply from Lord MOIRA, the motion for committal was rejected, with only one dissentient voice, and the bill of course was lost. [NEGOTIATION.]-Lord PELHAM began by adverting to a notice of a motion from a Noble Lord, which stood for Monday, and stated that he had a communication to make, which would, he supposed, supersede the necessity of that motion, though he had to regret that this communication was not quite conclusive upon the subject; and he had still ́more to regret, that it was of a nature which must be more painful to the feelings of their Lordships, than all the suspense and uncertainty in which the House and the country had been so long but so necessarily placed. The subject of this communication he observed to be, with regard to a circumstance particularly which had taken place this morning, and of which he thought it his duty to inform their Lordships. The French Ambassador had, in pursuance of instructions from his court, applied for a passport, which was of course granted. He had also to mention, that his Majesty's Ministers had some days, since sent directions to Lord Whitworth, that if he should not be able, within a certain period, to bring the negotiation to a point, he should leave Paris. They had not, however, yet received any communications from that Noble Personage to apprize them of the event, whether he had terminated the negotiation, and actually left Paris, though, in his opinion, his Lordship was on his journey home. However, until Ministers received intelligence from him, his Majesty would not be enabled to communicate to the House that full and satisfactory information which he was anxious to do, and which was desirable and necessary. This, he had confident expectation, would be laid before their Lordships on Monday next, to which day he should propose an adjournment. Understanding that some Noble Lords objected to the delay, he thought it necessary to observe, that it would be perfectly impossible to make the wishedfor communication sooner; and he saw no necessity that existed, nor any use that could arise from sitting to-morrow, contrary to the general custom. Lord DARNLEY could not persuade himself that it would be proper in him, from the kind of statement which the Noble Secretary of State had made, to withdraw the notice he had given of a motion for Monday; on the contrary, he thought it still more necessary. However he felt under these circumstances, he was most decidedly of opinion that it would be highly improper to adjourn over till Monday. In such a state of affairs their Lordships should continue at their post, for something might occur, even within twentyfour hours, which would require the assistance of their advice. The Noble Secretary had indeed promised a satisfactory communication on Monday; but he spoke not in the language of certainty, and he therefore felt disinclined to abandon the motion he proposed to bring forward. The system of confidence in Ministers had been too long followed upthis indulgence ought now at least to terminate. The mischiefs of delay were but too obvious; and, among its consequences, the late disgraceful transaction at the Stock Exchange was very fairly to be classed. He would not, therefore, consent to any farther procrastination, but would on Monday, unless the proposed communication should be made on that day, call upon Ministers for their defence, and for an explanation as to the present state of the country. Upon this he was determined to take the sense of the House. With respect to the adjournment, he thought it ought not to go beyond to-morrow; but he would leave it to some Noble Lord of more weight to propose a motion to that effect. Earl SPENCER was surprised that Ministers could attempt to propose any adjournment beyond a single day, in such a conjuncture as the present. It was to be sure stated, that it would be impossible for Ministers to give full information to the House as to the cause of that conjuncture before Monday; but that was not a reason why their Lordships should not continue to sit, at a time when we might perhaps be within an hour of absolute war, when we were unaware of the amount of the dangers which menaced the country, and of the provision made against them. The House would desert its duty, if upon such an occasion it consented to any longer adjournment than was really necessary. It was rather, in his judgment, incumbent on their Lordships. to take up the subject of public affairs with zeal and promptitude, and interpose between Ministers and the Crown, in order to save the country. It might be said that he was prematurely entering into the question, that he was making observations which had a tendency to excite ill humour; but he would not be influenced by arguments drawn from such sources. It would be culpable any longer to attend to such remarks. Too much forbear ance had been manifested, and the country had reason to regret it. The Noble Lord was instructed to leave Paris, and in that Noconcluded with moving, that the word "to-ble Lord's opinion he had actually left it. morrow" should be substituted for "Monday next." The LORD CHANCELLOR professed his regard for all those who felt a warm solicitude for the public interest, and paid a close attention to their public duties; but he did not see that any advantage could arise from the attendance which the amendment proposed. As to the censures which a Noble Lord had thought proper to pronounce on the measures of Ministers, he thought that it would be but candid in that Noble Lord to suspend his censures until he should know what those measures were. It was undoubtedly desirable that their Lordships should, by the faithful execution of their duty, deserve the approbation of the country; but he was certain their attendance to-morrow would not in the least degree tend to raise them higher in the estimation of any part of the thinking and rational public. The House could not go into the subject of the present state of the country, until the communication should be made, which his Noble Friend had said it was impossible to prepare before Monday, and therefore he would ask, what end it could answer to meet to-morrow? Lord DARNLEY could not pretend to the accuracy of expression which distinguished the Noble and Learned Lord who spoke last, and he was therefore, perhaps, liable to be misunderstood. He could assure that Noble Lord that he had quite misunderstood his sentiments, for he meant not to make any strictures on Ministers at present. He only expressed the anxiety which he, in common with every Englishman, must feel for a complete and explicit statement as to the present situation and prospects of the country. Lord CARLISLE remarked on the objections made to the amendment by the Noble and Learned Lord on the woolsack. His Noble Friend, when he alluded to the protracted negotiation, did not, he was sure, mean to confine the allusion merely to the seven weeks which had elapsed since the message of his Majesty was delivered to the House, but to the nineteen months negotiation in which Ministers had been engaged since the signing of the preliminaries which succeeded the treaty of Amiens, and which had so long kept the country in suspense. This was the first object of his Noble Friend's animadversion. It was not to be supposed that their Lordships would not rise higher in public estimation by paying such attention to the state of affairs at this moment, as their nature urgently called for. The Noble Secretary of State had informed the House that the French Ambassador had applied for a passport, and was about to leave England; and that Lord Whitworth If so, was not that, he would ask, a state of war, and could the House then agree to one hour's unnecessary adjournment? The public mind was in a state of inexpressible anxiety, and their Lordships should use their utmost endeavours to allay it. According to the report without doors, he would not say that it came from Ministers, but he understood it to prevail among intelligent persons, a messenger was hourly expected from France, with intelligence from our Ambassador. If so, why postpone the satisfaction of the public mind to Monday next? Curiosity ought to be gratified as soon as possible. Ministers ought to have felt it, and the proposition for a short adjournment ought to have come from themselves. However, he trusted the House would fully consider their duty, and adopt the motion of his Noble Friend. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Friday, May 6.-(See Minutes, p. 811.) - [THE NEGOTIATION.] The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose.-Before, said he, I make the usual motion, that the House, on its rising this day, do adjourn till Monday next, I think it proper to say, that I expect to have a command from his Majesty, to make a communication to the House on that day respecting the issue of the discussion between the two governments, together with an intimation that all the papers and documents connected with that important subject shall also be very speedily submitted to the consideration of the House. Even under the circumstances in which the House and the country stand at the present moment, I feel anxious to inform the House, that the French Ambassador has this morning applied for passports, for the purpose of availing himself immediately of them as soon as he should learn that Lord Whitworth had quitted Paris, which he had reason to suppose had already been the case. It is true, indeed, that Lord Whitworth was instructed to leave Paris on a certain day, if he found it impossible to obtain a satisfactory answer to the point upon which his Majesty's Ministers had pressed for a final decision. No accounts have yet been received that this answer has been given, and therefore it is probable, indeed more than probable, that before this time Lord Whitworth had left Paris. I trust the House will feel the propriety of my not entering into any further explanation on the present occasion, and of agreeing to the motion, that the House, on its rising, adjourn till Monday next. Mr. Fox would trouble the House but with very few words. The House must feel that the present was a most critical and awful mo ment: and if things were brought to this me- The present is a moment of such serious lancholy state, he could not help saying that difficulty and danger, that the House should the House should take the earliest opportu-judge and decide for themselves; and I trust nity of obtaining information respecting it. Any delay might be of the most serious inconvenience; and if it was possible that any further communication could be made tomorrow, the House should hold itself in readiness to receive it. If the House did not meet to-morrow, two days must elapse before they could receive any additional light on the present uncertain posture of affairs. There was nothing decisive in what the Rt. Hon. Gent. had said: on the contrary, the House were left in a still more painful suspense. The sooner the matter was brought under consideration the better; for the discussion that would take place upon it might prove of the most material importance. Not a moment should therefore be lost in taking the opinion of the House upon it. that the House will not agree to postpone their sitting till Monday, but that they will determine to meet to-morrow. The Rt. Hon. Gent. (Mr. Addington) says, that he has reason to apprehend that Lord Whitworth is on his return. Indeed, I cannot pretend to know officially on what particular day Lord Whitworth had orders to leave Paris; he did not receive the final answer which Ministers seem to have expected: but if any attention was to be paid to the rumours that were afloat, it was neither impossible nor improbable that his Lordship might arrive in the course of this day, or early to-morrow. Most undoubtedly Ministers, in compliance with their duty, in compliance with the anxious desire of the House and of the country, and in compliance with the severe and heavy responsibility they had incurred—a responsibility heavier than ever hung upon the shoulders of any former Administration, should seize the earliest opportunity to relieve the House from its present anxiety, and not let a day or an hour pass in making that communication which has been so impatiently expected, and so long delayed. The advice which the House might give his Majesty on so trying an occasion might, under the present circumstances, be of the most important consequence, and such indeed as might rescue the country from the difficulties and dangers to which it was now exposed. The delay of an hour might therefore be of incalculable disadvantage. When the communication was made, a day would be appointed for examining and discussing the conduct of Ministers, and that conduct must, no doubt, be brought to a strict inquiry and examination. But if the House decided to meet tomorrow, that discussion might be entered into two days sooner than otherwise it can be. The Noble Lord (Lord Hawkesbury) objects, however, to its being brought forward until all the papers respecting the negotiation were ready to be laid upon the table. Was it possible then, that, after all that has been said, Ministers could be so remiss as not to have prepared every possible document that can tend to explain and justify their conduct—a conduct which to every observer must appear so mysterious and unaccountable? That they were so prepared I cannot permit myself to doubt. Under that conviction, and under the present circumstances of the country, I am almost confident the House will not agree to the proposed adjournment; for when the promised information is laid before the House, some time must elapse before it can be printed, and before the discussion can be fully entered into. The least delay should not thereMr. GREY. The present occasion I con- fore be admitted; and with that view he ceive to be one when the House should not should move an amendment, "That the altogether and in ✓ rely on what was "House do adjourn till to-morrow, instead recommended by L. ajesty's Ministers. " of Monday." Lord HAWKESBURY did not think that any official and regular communication could be made to the House without the knowledge that Lord Whitworth had actually left Paris. It was uncertain whether that could be known early enough to make any communication respecting it to the House: he was also at a loss to conceive what inconvenience could possibly arise from so short a delay. It had already been intimated to the House by his Rt. Hon. Friend (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), that a message would be brought down from his Majesty on Monday, and that his Majesty would order the different papers and documents relative to the negotiation to be laid before the House for their consideration. These documents would enable the House to decide upon the propriety or impropriety of the conduct which Ministers had pursued during the important and arduous discussion in which they have been engaged; but before these papers were duly before the House, and before they were possessed of the information to be gathered from them, it was impossible for the House to see the question in a full and fair light, and consequently they must be unable to come to any thing like a determination respecting it. Surely so short a delay, under such circumstances, could not be productive of any bad effect, more especially as Ministers were ready to assure the House that they should not lose a moment in advising his Majesty to order every possible information to be laid before them that could afford the fullest explanation of the actual state of the difference between the two countries. Before that information was before the House, any discussion of the question must, in his mind, be unsatisfactory and premature. Mr. CANNING was anxious to distinguish the grounds upon which he should vote for the earlier day. He could not agree with the Hon. Gent. who moved the amendment, that Ministers could be prepared to lay before the House the full information that was expected from them; at least he had no expectation of receiving any such information to-morrow; but he still was anxious that the House should meet to-morrow, even though they should only meet to adjourn again; because, at a moment of such unprecedented alarm to the country, the House should not be absent for a moment from their post. Both the Rt. Hon. Gent. and the Noble Lord have acknowledged that they cannot as yet make a final communication to the House, though they may be able to give some additional information tomorrow to what they have given this day. From what they have said this day, the House might conclude that Lord Whitworth has already left Paris; but certain information is yet to be obtained respecting that event; but this information may be had to-morrow, and it will make that certain which is now only a strong conjecture, and a conclusive probability. Was any man prepared to say, that after what has passed within these two days, the earliest possible information was not necessary? [A cry of Hear! hear!]—But it might be said, there were other modes of making the communication, should any accounts arrive to give room to one. To this he should only reply, that if any one knew a more constitutional mode of conveying such information to the country than through Parliament, he wished that mode might be pointed out to the House. If to the doubtful intelligence now given to the House, one single atom more of certain information could be added within twentyfour hours, he could not see with what consistency those who have all along expressed such anxiety for information could vote for taking away from the House the opportunity of receiving it. On this ground it was that he wished the House not to adjourn beyond to-morrow. He was not eager for any hasty discussion, nor woud the meeting to-morrow tend in the least to precipitate the expected discussion. But surely the House should shew the country that they sympathized with the feelings of the country, and they would not be thinking of giving themselves a holiday, while all around was confusion, anxiety, agitation, and dismay. The SECRETARY at WAR did not imagine that it was possible to afford any more information to-morrow than was communicated to the House this day. He hoped the House would consider how derogatory it would be from their dignity to continue sitting on a day not usually employed in business, merely because the French Amba sador had thought proper to apply for passports, especially when there was no probability of obtaining any more distinct information than what had al◄ ready been submitted to them. Were it probable that any practical advantage could be derived from sitting to-morrow, he was ready to admit the propriety of so doing; but when there was no such probability, he must again repeat that it would be beneath the dignity of the House to sit waiting in momentary expectation of some accounts from the French government, and that merely because the French Ambassador had applied for passports. Lord Whitworth most likely may have left Paris on Tuesday or Wednesday last; but it should be recollected that he travelled with a numerous retinue, and consequently it could not be expected that he could arrive sooner than to-morrow evening, or at an hour too late for any communication to be brought down on that day: even should the House meet to morrow, it would be impossible for them to enter a moment earlier into the discussion of the question, than at the time to which it was intended to defer it; for it could not be fairly discussed until the House were in possession of all the papers connected with it. When they were before the House, then would be the time to enter coolly and deliberately into the discussion, and in a manner suitable to the wisdom and gravity of Parliament. If the House met to-morrow, it was likely that something might be started which would give rise to a discussion that might be attended with the worst consequences both here and abroad: on that ground principally he should resist the motion. Mr. CANNING, in explanation, said, that he did not look for any papers being presented to-morrow. All he insisted on was, that if the fact that Lord Whitworth was actually arrived could be ascertained to the House, it was their duty to be at their post to receive the intelligence. Mr. LASCELLES and Mr. WHITBREAD rose at the same time. There was a general cry to hear Mr. Lascelles, but the Speaker called to Mr. WHITBREAD, who gave it as his opinion, that the House would but ill consult their dignity if they were not to be found at their post, waiting to see in what state the country was really placed, and how it could best be extricated from its present difficulties. He therefore differed widely from the Hon. Secretary at War, for not a moment should be lost in inquiring into the present posture of affairs-it was truly alarming. HOUSE OF LORDS. Monday, May 9—(See Minutes, p. 811.) [NEGOTIATION.]-Lord PELHAM observed, that under the particular circumstances of |