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such important advantages, that the success of the proposition is at least worth trying, particularly as the result of it might be productive of the most easy means of adjusting the most material of our present differences. With respect to the assertion so often advanced and repeated by M. Talleyrand in your last conversation of the non-execution of the Treaty of Amiens relative to Malta, I have only to observe again, that the exection of that article is become impracticable from causes which it has not been in the power of his Majesty to controul. That the greatest part of the funds assigned to the support of the order, and indispensably necessary for the independence of the order and defence of the island, have been sequestrated since the conclusion of the definitive treaty, in direct repugnance to the spirit and letter of that treaty; and that two of the principal powers who were invited to accede as guarantees to the arrangement, have refused their accession, except on the conditions that the part of the arrangement which was deemed so material relative to the Maltese inhabitants should be entirely cancelled. The conduct of the French government since the conclusion of the definitive treaty, gives his Majesty a right, which is now at length admitted by themselves, to demand some compensation for the past, and security for the future. Such compensation could never be considered as obtained by the possession of an island, which would entail a very heavy expence on this country;--and the degree of security which would be provided by these means, would only be such as his Majesty, under the present circumstances, is entitled to demand. I observe in the note verbale of Monsieur Talleyrand, he makes use of the expression, the independence of the order of Malta. If this is meant to apply to the order exclusively, his Majesty would be willing, for the preservatian of peace, that the civil government of the island should be given to the order of St. John; the Maltese enjoying, the privileges which were stipulated in their favour in the Treaty of Amiens; and that, conformably to principles which have been adopted on other occasions, the fortifications of the island should be garrisoned for ever by the troops of his Majesty. In the event of either of these propositions being found unattainable, his Majesty might be disposed to consent to an arrangement by which the island of Malta would remain in his possession for a limited number of years, and to waive in consequence his demand for a perpetual occupation, provided that the number of years was not less than ten, and that his Sicilian Majesty could be induced to cede the sovereignty of the island of Lampedosa for a valuable con

sideration. If this proposition is admitted, the Island of Malta should be given up to the inhabitants at the end of that period, and should be acknowledged as an independent state. In this case, his Majesty would be ready to concur in any arrangement for the establishment of the Order of St. John in some other part of Europe. You will not refuse to listen to any proposition which the French government may be disposed to make to you with a view to an equivalent security for those objects in regard to which his Majesty claims the possession or occupation of Malta; but the three propositions to which I have above alluded, appear, at the present moment, to furnish the only basis for a satisfactory arrangement; and you will decline receiving any proposition which does not appear to you to offer advantages to his Majesty as substantial as that which I have last stated. It is very desirable that you should bring the negotiation to an issue, if possible, without referring to his Majesty's govern ment for further instructions, after the receipt of this dispatch; and if you should be of opinion, that there is no hopes of bringing it to a favourable conclusion, you may inform M. Talleyrand of the necessity you will be under, after a certain time, to leave Paris. I have the honour to be, &c.

(Signed) HAWKESBURY. His Excellency Lord Whitworth, K. B. &c.

Paris, April 18, 1803.

No. 57.-My Lord, I did not fail to put into immediate execution the instructions contained in your lordship's dispatch (No. 11.) on the subject of the libel inserted by the French Minister in the Hamburgh Gazette. Irepresented the outrageous and unprecedented conduct of M. Rheinhardt in such terms as it deserves; and fairly declared to M. de Talleyrand, that, until satisfaction shall be given to his Majesty for the indignity which has been offered him by the French minister in his official character, there could be no possibility whatever of bringing the present discussion to an amicable issue. M. de Talleyrand assured me, that the French government saw the conduct of M. de Rheinhardt in the same light as his Majesty's ministers, and that they could not be more surprised than the First Consul had been at seeing such an article inserted by authority; that an immediate explanation had been required of M. Rheinhardt, five days ago, and if his conduct had been such as had been represented, he would, doubtless, feel the effect of the First Consul's displeasure; and that, in the mean time, I might inform your lordship that he was completely disavowed. I told M. de Talleyrand, that, as the insult had been public, it would be

necessary that the reparation should be so
also. He answered me again, that the First
Consul considered M. Rheinhardt's conduct
as so reprehensible, that every satisfaction
might be expected. I have the honour to
be, &c.
(Signed) WHITWORTH.
The Right Hon. Lord Hawkesbury, &c.

Paris, April 18, 1803.

your lordship such a conchision. I do not enter into a detail of the conversation which I had the same morning with M. de Talleyrand, immediately upon leaving Joseph Buonaparté, as it differed in no wise from what I have above mentioned. He suggested also the possibility of coming to an arrangement on the ground of a temporary occupation, and I made him the same answer. Such is the state of the discussion at this moment. I am in expectation of hearing very shortly either from Joseph Buonaparté or M. de Talleyrand; and I am not without hopes that I may be able to announce to your lordship, that such an arrangement is made, as may answer his Majesty's expectations, in a very few days. Your lordship may be assured, that I feel the necessity of expedition. Were it less urgent, I might perhaps hope to bring the discussion to even a more favourable issue, I have the honour to be, &c.

(Signed) WHITWORTH, Right Hon. Lord Hawkesbury, &c.

(Translation of Inclosure referred to in No. 58.)-His Majesty will consent, for the sake of preserving peace, that the government of the Island of Malta shall be given to the Order of St. John; the Maltese enjoying those privileges which have been granted on former occasions. The fortifications of the Island shall be occupied in perpetuity by the troops of his Majesty.

No. 58.-My Lord, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your lordship's dispatches of the 15th instant. I saw Joseph Buonaparté immediately on the receipt of your lordship's dispatch; and without troubling your lordship with a repetition of the arguments I used to hasten the conclusion of the negotiation, amongst which I endeavoured to convince him of the importance of preventing the ultimatum which would inevitably follow the rejection of what I had to propose, I will briefly state, that on finding it perfectly impracticable to establish the principle of our keeping possession of Malta in perpetuity, I delivered to him in writing the second proposal I had to make. He did not fail to observe, that by this modification the difficulty which he considered as insurmountable was not removed; that although the Order was restored, it could not be considered as independent, and, in fact, Malta would belong to that power which had possession of the forts. I enforced the adoption of this plan by every reason which could serve to recommend it; but the possession in perpetuity was constantParis, April 20, 1805. ly urged as a difficulty which nothing could No. 59.-My Lord, I had hoped that the remove. Our conversation lasted near two first extraordinary messenger I should have hours. I confess that I gained no solid had occasion to send, would have been to ground of hope that the project, which he announce to your lordship, that the differences assured me he would take to the First Consul between the two governments were adjusted at St. Cloud, would be adopted. But he on one of the modifications pointed out to said that he was not without hope that he me by my last instructions from your lordmight be authorized to propose to me the oc- ship. In this expectation I am deceived. I cupation of the fortresses for a term of years. saw Joseph Buonaparté the night before last, It was my wish, that such a proposal should before I had sealed up my dispatches of that come from him rather than from me. I told evening to your lordship; but as all he said him that I did not well see how such a tenure tended only to justify the hope I had given would suit us; but that I wished too sincerely your lordship in those dispatches, I added to avoid the fatal extremities to which I saw nothing to them. He assured me positively, the discussion was tending, not to give any that I should hear from M. de Talleyrand in reasonable proposal which might be made on the course of yesterday morning, and that a their part every assistance in my power. meeting would be appointed in order to settle This proposal originated with him, and was the term of years for which the First Consul therefore received by me merely as a matter might be induced to consent to the cession which I would refer to your lordship. If, of Malta. It is true that he declared, that in however, I can bring the matter to an imme-order to gain his consent, it would be nediate conclusion, and without further reference to your lordship, on the principle of our retaining possession of the fortresses of Malta for a term of years not less than that pointed out by your lordship, and with the assurance that this government will not oppose the cession of the Island of Lampedosa, I shall have great pleasure in announcing to

cessary to hold out the advantages which the British government was willing to offer in return, meaning the acknowledgments of the new governments in Italy. I told him that this offer was made only with a view to the possession of Malta in perpetuity; but after some conversation, I gave him to understand, that I would not refuse to adniť

the demand, sub sperati, on the condition, that the cession should be made for a considerable term of years; that Holland and Switzerland should be evacuated; and that a suitable provision should be made for the King of Sardinia. He seemed to think there could be no difficulty in this arrangement; and I left him in the persuasion, that I should the next day, yesterday, or this morning, receive the summons from M. de Talleyrand, which he had given me reason to expect. I am sorry to say, that no such summons has been received by me, neither has any further notice been taken of the business. So that I feel, that I should betray the confidence your lordship may place in me, were I to delay any longer requesting, that 1 may be immediately furnished with the terms on which his Majesty's ministers would be willing to conclude, and which probably will not differ much from those above stated, in order that I may propose them in the form of an ultimatum; and that at the expiration of the period allowed for deliberation, I may be authorized not only to declare that I am to leave Paris, but actually so to do, unless in the intermediate time, the French government should accede to our demands. I have the honour to be, &c.

(Signed) WHITWORTH. Right Hon. Lord Hawkesbury, &c.

given up to the inhabitants, and not to the
Order; and provided likewise, that his Si-
cilian Majesty shall be induced to cede to
his Majesty the Island of Lampedosa. It is
indispensable that, as a part of this arrange-
ment, Holland should be evacuated by the
French troops within a short period after the
conclusion of a convention by which all
those provisions are secured. His Majesty
will consent to acknowledge the new Italian
states, upon the condition that stipulations in
favour of his Sardinian Majesty, and of
Switzerland, form a part of this arrange-
ment. It is his Majesty's pleasure that, in the
event of the failure of the negotiation, you
should delay your departure from Paris no
longer than may be indispensably necessary
for your personal convenience; and that you
should in no case remain there, after the re-
ceipt of this dispatch, more than seven days.
I have the honour to be, &c.
HAWKESBURY.

His Excellency, Lord Whitworth, K. B. &c.
Paris, April 23, 1803.

No. 61.-My Lord, As I heard nothing from M. Talleyrand, I called on him on Thursday, in order to learn the effect of the proposal which I had made, conformably to your lordship's instructions, on the basis of a perpetual possession of the forts of Malta, on re-establishing the Order in the civil governDowning-street, April 23, 1805. ment of the Island. He told me, that if I No. 60.-My Lord, Your excellency's had called on him sooner, he should two dispatches of the 18th and 20th instant have days ago have communicated to me the First been received, and laid before the King. Consul's answer, which was, that no consiIt is necessary for me to do little more on the deration on earth should induce him to conpresent occasion than to refer you to my sent to a concession in perpetuity of Malta, dispatch of the 13th of April, in which I in any shape whatever: and that the restated to you the several propositions on establishment of the Order was not so much which alone, in the judgment of his Majesty, the point to be discussed, as that of suffering the differences between this country and Great Britain to acquire a possession in the MeFrance could be satisfactorily adjusted. If, diterranean. I told him that I did not call upon the receipt of this dispatch, it shall not sooner, because I had been given to underhave been in your power to bring the nego-stand that he would have himself proposed it tiation to a conclusion on any of the propositions to which I have above referred, it is his Majesty's pleasure that you should communicate, officially, to the French government, that you have gone, in point of concession, to the full extent of your instructions; and that, if an arrangement, founded upon one of these propositions, cannot be concluded without further delay, you have received his Majesty's commands to return to England. His Majesty can only consent to relinquish the permanent occupation of Malta by his forces, on the conditions that the temporary possession shall not be less than ten years; that he authority, civil and military, shall, during that period, remain solely in his Majesty; and that, at the expiration of that period, the Island shall be

to me, for the purpose of communicating the answer of the First Consul; and that it did not in any shape become me to put myself on the footing of a solicitor in this transaction. After some conversation, and finding (what I most sincerely believe to be the case) that the First Consul's determination was fixed on the point of a possession of Malta in perpetuity; I repeated to him what I had previously suggested to Joseph Buonaparté, the modification which I had to propose, namely, that, for the sake of peace, his Majesty would be willing to waive his pretensions to a possession in perpetuity, and would consent to hold Malta for a certain number of years to be agreed upon, on the condition that no opposition should be made on the part of the French government to any negotiation His Majesty

I possibly undertake to make such a proposal to his Majesty, since every word of my instructions (from which I certainly would not depart) applied positively to Malta, unless an equivalent security could be offered, and surely he would not pretend to tell me that Lampedosa could be considered as such; that the possession of Malta was necessary for our security, and was rendered so not from any desire of aggrandizement on the part of his Majesty, but by the conduct of the French government; and that so strongly were we impressed with the necessity, that ra ther than abandon it, we were prepared to go to war. That it was on this ground I must declare to him, that I could neither take upon myself to forward such a proposal as he had made to me, or indeed any thing short of what

in so doing, I acted in conformity to his Majesty's views, who would most assuredly disapprove of my conduct, were I, by unnecessarily protracting the negociation, to add one day, or one hour, if it could be avoided, to the suspence and anxiety under which his own sub

might set on foot with his Sicilian Majesty for the acquisition of the Island of Lampedosa. We discussed this proposal in a conversation of some length, and I made use of all the arguments which have been furnished me by your lordship, or which occurred to me in its favour. I begged him particularly to recollect that we were in actual possession of the object, and that therefore every modification tending to limit that possession, was in fact a concession on the part of his Majesty, and a proof of his desire to sacrifice to his love of peace the just claim which he had acquired in consequence of the conduct of France, and which had recently been admitted, of a much more considerable compensation and counterpoise. M. de Talleyrand did not seem disposed to dispute any of my positions, and II had last proposed as a fair equivalent. That left him, I confess, fully impressed with the idea that the next day (Friday) I should find him prepared to treat on this ground, and that the only difficult point to be arranged would be the number of years for which Malta should be ceded to his Majesty. Your lordship will conceive my surprise, when on see-jects and all Europe must labour at such a criing him the next day, he told me that although he had not been able to obtain from the First Consul all he wished, still the proposition he had to make would, he trusted, be such as fully to answer the purpose. He then said that the First Consul would, on no terms, hear either of a perpetual or a temporary possession of Malta; that his object was the execution of the treaty of Amiens; and that rather than submit to such an arrangement as that I had last proposed, he would even consent to our keeping the object in dispute for ever: on the ground that in the one there was an appearance of generosity and magnanimity; but in the other, nothing but weakness and the effect of coercion that therefore his resolution was taken, and what he had to propose was the possession we required of the Island of Lam-yielding to a threat. I told him that it never. pedosa, or of any other of the small Isles of could be admitted that the First Consul had a which there were three or four between Malta right to act in such a manner as to excite jeaand the Coast of Africa; that such a possession lousy and create alarm in every state of Europe, would be sufficient for the object we had in and when asked for explanation or security, view, which was a station in the Mediterra- say that it was contrary to his honour or his nean as a place of refuge and security for any dignity to afford either. Such arguments might squadron we might find it convenient to perhaps do when applied to some of those gokeep in that sea. I suffered him to expatiate a vernments with which France had been accusconsiderable time, and without interruption, tomed to treat, or more properly to dictate to, on the great advantages we were to derive but never could be used to Great Britain;" from such an acquisition, as well as on the that his Majesty had a right to speak freely' confidence which the First Consul reposed in his opinion, and possessed also the means, our pacific intention in lending a hand to such whenever he chose to employ them, of oppoan establishment. He concluded by desiring sing a barrier to the ambition of any indiviI would transmit this proposal to your lord-dual, or of any state which should be disposed ship. I told him that I was extremely sorry to threaten the security of his dominions, or indeed to find that we had made such little the tranquillity of Europe. progress in the negotiation; that my orders were positive; that I could hear of nothing short of what I had proposed, neither could

sis; that I had hoped the French government, actuated by the same generous motives, would have acted in the same manner; that it might, by pursuing a contrary line of conduct, gain still a few days; but I must declare, that in a very short time I should have to communicare to him those very terms from which his were so wide, but to draw nearer to which was, perhaps the object of his negotiating, in the form of an ultimatum, which would at least have one good effect, that of bringing the matter to an issue, and the certainty even of war was preferable to the present state of indecision., To all I could say M. Talleyrand objected the dignity and honour of the First Consul, which could not admit of his consenting to any thing which might carry with it the appearance of

Our conversation concluded by M. de Talleyrand's assuring me that he would report the substance of it to the First Consul in the even

ing, and that probably he should have occasion to see me on the following day. I have the honour to be, &c. WHITWORTH, The Right Hon. Lord Hawkesbury, &c.

Paris, April 25, 1803.

No. 62.-My Lord, The conversation I had on Saturday morning with M. Talleyrand has produced nothing from which I can draw a more favourable conclusion as to the result of the negotiation, than when I last addressed your lordship. He told me, that although he had seen the First Consul the night before, he had nothing to add to what he had communicated to me on Friday; that the First Consul was determined not to give his consent to our retaining Malta, either in perpetuity or for a term, although of the two he would prefer the former tenure as the less repugnant to his feelings; that he was therefore ordered to repeat the proposal he had lately made me, of acceding to our demand of Lampedosa or any of the neighbouring islands; and that as our object was to obtain a settlement in the Mediterranean, he imagined that which we had ourselves pointed out would answer every purpose we might have in view. But, at all events, the First Consul neither could nor would relinquish his claim to the full execution of the Treaty of Amiens. To this I could only repeat what I had already said to him on the inadequacy of such a proposal, and of the impossibility in which I found myself to transmit it to your lordship. I lamented the course which the negotiation was taking, and that the First Consul should have so little regard to the dreadful consequences which must ensue, as to suffer them to be outweighed by a mistaken notion of dignity. And I added, that notwithstanding the acquiescence which he might have met with from others, the plea of its being incompatible with the dignity of the French government to give satisfaction or security, when both might with justice be demanded, could never be admitted by Great Britain. M. de Talleyrand heard every thing I could say with the utmost patience, notwithstanding he had nothing satisfactory to say, and seemed unwilling to break up the conference. He constantly brought forward the same inadmissible proposal, requesting that I would at least communicate it to your lordship. This I told him I could not refuse to do, since every thing which passed between him and me must of course make the subject of my reports to your lordship. I declared however, at the same time, that I should not think myself by any means authorized to suspend the execution of any instructions I might receive, tending to bring the negotiation to an issue, in the expectation of any VOL. III.

change which such a proposal might produce. All I could do, and that I would certainly do, would be to communicate the ultimatum, if his Majesty should think proper to furnish me with it, confidentially to M. de Talleyrand, before I presented it officially to him, as minister for foreign affairs. He assured me that he should consider such a conduct as a further proof of my desire to conciliate, and that he could not yet forbear hoping that the differences might be adjusted. I repeated that if his hope was founded on the expectation of his Majesty's being induced to recede from his demand, it would be deceiving himself to cherish it. The remainder of the conversation turned on the calamities which would follow the failure of our endeavour to avoid a rupture. He insinuated that Holland, Naples, and other countries connected with Great Britain, would be the first victims of the war. I asked him whether he thought that such a conduct would add to the glory of the First Consul, or whether the falling on the innocent and defenceless would not rather tarnish it, and ultimately unite against him, not only the honest men in his own country, but every government in Europe. That it certainly would excite more detestation than terror in England, at the same time that it would serve to impress upon us still more strongly the necessity of omitting no means of circumscribing a power so perniciously exerted. I could not help adding, that although no act of hostility had actually taken place, yet the inveteracy with which our commerce, our industry, and our credit had been attacked in every part to which French influence could be extended, did in fact almost amount to the same, since it went to prove, in addition to the general system of the First Consul, that his object was to pursue, under the mask of peace, the same line of conduct in which the preceding governments had acted. I now trust entirely to the effect of the ultimatum, which will at least convince him that we are in earnest, and that he has nothing to expect from protraction. I shall not however, as I said before, make use of this officially, until I have tried its effect in a more conciliatory manner. I have the honour to be, &c.

(Signed) WHITWORTH. The Rt. Hon. Lord Hawkesbury, &c.

P. S. Your lordship's dispatches of the 25d with their inclosures, were delivered to me by Shaw this evening at nine o'clock. I shall see M. de Talleyrand to-morrow morning; and I trust your lordship will not disapprove my following the line of conduct I had proposed, and which I have mentioned to your lordship, of informing him of the nature of

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