ing, which is rare in such diseases, she retained | such a fortune. Notwithstanding, I have thought both her speech, and memory, and motion, though good to insert something now concerning her but slow and weak, even to the end. And in this moral part, yet only in those things which have case she continued but a few days; so as it cannot ministered occasion to some malicious to traduce be called the last act of her life, but the first step her. to her death. For as it is a miserable condition to see the faculties of our body buried before us; and to survive long after them; so it is a fair and natural conclusion of our life, when the senses are by little and little laid asleep, that the dissolution of the whole should immediately follow.

I will add one thing more to make up the full measure of her felicity: which is, that she was not only most happy in her own person, but in the abilities and virtues of her servants and ministers, for she was served by such persons as I suppose this island never brought forth the like before her times. Now when God beareth a love to kings, no doubt he raiseth up the spirits of wise servants as a concurrent blessing.

There are two fair issues of her happiness, born to her since her death, I conceive not less glorious and eminent than those she enjoyed | alive. The one of her successor, the other of her memory. For she had gotten such a successor, who although, for his masculine virtues, and blessing of posterity, and addition of territories, he may be said to exceed her greatness and somewhat to obscure it; notwithstanding, he is most zealous of her name and glory; and doth even give a perpetuity to her acts, considering both in the choice of the persons, and in the orders, and institutions of the kingdom, he hath departed so little from her, so as a son could hardly succeed a father with less noise of innovation. As for her memory, it hath gotten such life in the mouths and hearts of men, as that envy being put out by her death, and her fame lighted, I cannot say whether the felicity of her life, or the felicity of her memory be the greater. For if, perhaps, there fly abroad any factious fames of her, raised either by discontented persons, or such as are averse in religion; which notwithstanding, dare now scarce show their faces, and are everywhere cried down; the same are neither true, neither can they be long-lived. And for this cause, especially, have I made this collection, such as it is, touching her felicity, and the marks of God's favour towards her; that no malicious person should dare to interpose a curse, where God hath given a blessing. Now if any man shall allege that against me, was once said to Cæsar; "we see what we may admire, but we would fain see what we can commend;" certainly, for my part, I hold true admiration to be the highest degree of commendation. And besides such felicities as we have recounted could not befall any princess, but such a one as was extraordinarily supported and cherished by God's favour; and had much in her own person, and Fare virtues. to create and work out unto herself

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This queen, as touching her religion, was pious, moderate, constant, and an enemy to novelty. First, for her piety, though the same were most conspicuous in her acts and the form of her government; yet it was portrayed also in the common course of her life, and her daily comportment. Seldom would she be absent from hearing divine service, and other duties of religion, either in her chapel, or in her privy closet. In the reading of the Scriptures, and the writings of the fathers, especially of Saint Augustine, she was very frequent; she composed certain prayers herself on emergent occasions. Whensoever she named God, though it were in common discourse, she would for the most part add the title of Maker, saying, God my Maker: and compose both her eyes and countenance to a submissness and reverence. This I have often, myself, observed, being in her presence; now whereas some have divulged her unmindfulness of mortality, in that she would never endure any mention either of her age, or death, is most false: for she would often, and that many years before her death, with a great deal of meekness profess that she found herself grown an old woman, and she would sometimes open herself what she liked best for an inscription upon her tomb, saying, that she loved no pompous or vainglorious titles, but would only have a line or two for her memory, wherein her name and her virginity, and the years of her reign, and her establishing of religion, and her maintaining of peace, should be in the fewest words comprehended. It is true, that whilst she was in her vigorous years, and able to bear children, if at any time she were moved to declare her successor, she would make answer, that she would never endure to see her winding-sheet before her eyes. And yet, notwithstanding, some few years before her death, one day when she was in a deep meditation, and, as it may be guessed, in that of her mortality, one that might be bold said unto her, "Madam, there are divers offices, and great places in the state, which you keep long void." She arose up in some displeasure, and said, "I am sure my office will not be long void."

As for her moderateness in religion, I shall seem to be at a stand, in regard of the severe laws made against her subjects of the Romish religion: notwithstanding, that which I shall sav is no more than what I know for certain, an.. diligently observed. Most certain it is, that was the firm resolution of this princess not offer any violence to consciences; but then the other side, not to suffer the state of her king dom to be ruined under pretence of conscience

and religion. Out of this fountain she concluded; | the confessions of many, that almost all the first, that to allow freedom and toleration of two priests which were sent into this kingdom from religions by public authority, in a nation fierce that aforenamed year, unto the thirtieth year of and warlike, and that would easily fall from dis- Queen Elizabeth's reign, at which time that desension of minds to siding and blows, would sign of the pope and Spain was put into execu bring inevitable ruin to this kingdom. Again, tion, by those memorable preparations of the in the newness of her reign, when there was a navy and land forces, had in their instructions, general distrust, she singled out some of the besides other parts of their function, to distil and bishops of the most turbulent and factious spirits, insinuate into the people these particulars: “It and committed them to free custody; and this was impossible things should continue at this not without the warrant of former laws. As for stay: they should see ere long a great change in the rest, either of the clergy or laity, she did not this state; that the pope and Catholic princes ransack their consciences by any severe inqui- were careful for the English, if they would not sition, but rather secured them by a gracious be wanting to themselves." Again, sundry of connivancy: and this was the state of things at the priests did manifestly interpose themselves the first. Neither did she depart from this into those consultations and plots which tended clemency, when the excommunication of Pius to the undermining and ruining of this kingdom: Quintus came thundering against her, which | and, which especially moved her, letters were inmight both justly have provoked her, and have tercepted out of divers parts that discovered the ministered occasion to new courses; but howso-true face of the plot; in which was written, that ever she followed her royal nature still: for as a they doubted not to go beyond the vigilancy of wise lady, and of a high courage, she was not a the queen and state in the matter of Catholics; whit terrified at the roaring of a bull, being well for the queen would only have an eye lest there assured of her people's love and fidelity towards should arise any fit head, in the person of some her, as also of the disability of the popish faction lord, or other eminent gentleman of quality, under within the kingdom to do her hurt, if no foreign whom the Catholics might unite; but they had enemy joined with them. But then, about the thought upon another course, as namely, by private three-and-twentieth year of her reign there fol- men, and those but of mean rank, that should not lowed a mighty change. And this distinction of confer, nor scarce know of each other's employthe times is not any device of mine, but it is ex-ments, to prepare and mature the business by the pressed in the public acts of that time, and as it secresy of confession. And these were their enwere cut in brass; for before that year was there gines, the which, as hath appeared since in a case never any capital or severe punishment inflicted not much unlike, are usual and familiar to that In this great deluge of danger, upon any of her subjects, as they had relation to order of men. the Romish religion, by the laws formerly made. there was a necessity imposed upon Queen ElizaBut just then began that proud and vast intention beth to restrain, by some sharper bands of laws, of Spain to conquer this kingdom, by little and that part of her subjects which were alienated little to show itself. Of this the principal part|from her, and had drunk too deep a draught of was to stir up by all means a party within the kingdom, of such as were ill-affected to the state, and desirous of innovation, that might adhere to the foreigner at his landing. For this they had no other hopes than the difference in religion; wherefore they set it down to pursue this course with all their power: and the seminaries at that time budding, priests were sent into England to plant and disperse a love to the Romish religion; to teach and inculcate the power of the pope's excommunication in freeing subjects from their allegiance, and to awaken and prepare the minds of men to an expectation of a change. About the same time, Ireland also was attempted by an invasion, and the queen's name and government traduced by sundry and scandalous libels. To be short, there was an unusual swelling in the state, the forerunner of greater troubles: yet I will not affirm, that every priest which was sent over was made of the council, or privy to the enterprise, but that some of them became the wicked instruments only of other men's malice. Notwithstanding this is true, and witnessed by

this poison ever to recover; and further, which by their retired living, and exemption from public offices, were grown very rich: and moreover, the mischief daily growing, when as the cause thereof was ascribed to none other than the seminary priests, who had been nourished in foreign parts, and received exhibition from the bounty and alms of foreign princes, professed enemies to this state; and who had conversed in such places where the name of Queen Elizabeth was never heard, but as of a heretic, and excommunicate, and accursed person; and who, though themselves, sometimes, had no hand in treason, yet they were known to be the intimate friends of them that had. And lastly, who by their arts and poisons had infected and soured the mass and lump of the Catholics, which before was more sweet and harmless, with a new kind of leaven, and desperate maliciousness: there could no other remedy be devised, but by forbidding such persons to enter into this kingdom upon pain of their lives; which at last, in the twenty-seventh year of her reign, was accordingly done. Nay, and when the event itself

had confirmed this to be true, I mean immediately |ing to chapel, a certain courtier that had the liafter that the dreadful tempest arose from Spain, berty of a buffoon, and either out of his own mothreatening no less than utter desolation, yet did | tion, or by the instigation of a wiser man, presentit nothing mollify or turn the edge of these men's ed her with a petition: and before a great number malice and fury, but rather whetted it, as if they of courtiers, said to her with a loud voice, "That had cast off all natural affection to their country. there were yet four or five prisoners unjustly deAs for the times succeeding, I mean after the thir- tained in prison; he came to be a suitor to have tieth year of her reign, though indeed our fear of them set at liberty; those were the four evangeSpain, which had been the spur to this rigour, had lists, and the apostle Saint Paul, who had been fairly breathed out, or was well abated; yet con- long shut up in an unknown tongue, as it were sidering the memory of times past had made so deep in prison, so as they could not converse with the impression in men's hearts and cogitations, and common people." The queen answered very that it would have seemed either inconstancy to gravely, "That it was best first to inquire of them, repeal those former laws, or sloth to neglect them, whether they would be set at liberty or no." the very constitution of things did suggest to the Thus she silenced an unseasonable motion with a queen, that it was not safe to reduce them unto | doubtful answer, as reserving the matter wholly in that state wherein they had continued until the her own power. Neither did she bring in this althree-and-twentieth year of her reign. Hereunto teration timorously, or by pieces, but in a grave may be added the industry of some persons in and mature manner, after a conference betwixt improving the revenues of the exchequer, and the both sides, and the calling and conclusion of a zeal of some other ministers of justice, which did parliament. And thus within the compass of one never think their country safe unless the laws year, she did so establish and settle all matters were rigorously executed; all which did impor- belonging to the church, as she departed not one tune and press the execution of the laws. Not-hair's breadth from them to the end of her life: withstanding, the queen, for a manifest token of her royal nature, did so dull the edge of the laws, that but a very few priests, in respect of their number, did suffer death. Now all this which I have said is not by way of defence, for the matter needs it not; for neither could this kingdom have been safe without it, neither were the proceedings any way comparable or of kin to those bloody and unchristianly massacres in the Catholic countries, which proceeded merely from rancour and pride, and not from any necessity of state: howsoever, I hope I have made my first assertion good, that she was moderate in the point of religion, and that the change which happened was not in her nature, but upon the necessity of the times.

Now for the constancy of Queen Elizabeth in religion, and the observance thereof, I know no better argument than this, That although she found the Romish religion confirmed in her sister's days by act of parliament, and established by all strong and potent means that could be devised, and to have taken deep root in this kingdom; and that all those which had any authority, or bore any office in the state, had subscribed to it: yet for that she saw that it was not agreeable to the word of God, nor to the primitive purity, nor to her own conscience, she did, with a great deal of courage, and with the assistance of a very few persons, quite expel and abolish it. Neither did she this by precipitate and heady courses, but timing it wisely and soberly. And this may well be conjectured, as from the thing itself, so also by an answer of hers, which she made upon occasion. For within a very few days of her coming to the crown, when many prisoners were released out of prison, as the custom is at the inauguration of a prince, there came to her one day as she was go

nay, and her usual custom was, in the beginning of every parliament, to forewarn the houses not to question or innovate any thing already established in the discipline or rites of the church. And thus much of her religion.

Now if there be any severer nature that shall tax her for that she suffered herself, and was very willing to be courted, wooed, and to have sonnets made in her commendation; and that she continued this longer than was decent for her years : notwithstanding, if you will take this matter at the best it is not without singular admiration, being much like unto that which we find in fabulous narrations, of a certain queen in the Fortunate Islands, and of her court and fashions, where fair purpose and love making was allowed, but lasciviousness banished. But if you will take it at the worst, even so it amounteth to a more high admiration, considering that these courtships did not much eclipse her fame, and not at all her majesty; neither did they make her less apt for government, or choke with the affairs and businesses of the public, for such passages as these do often entertain the time even with the greatest princes. But to make an end of this discourse, certainly this princess was good and moral, and such she would be acknowledged; she detested vice, and desired to purchase fame only by honourable courses. And indeed whilst I mention her moral parts, there comes a certain passage into my mind which I will insert. Once giving order to write to her ambassador about certain instructions to be delivered apart to the queen-mother of the house of Valois, and that her secretary had inserted a certain clause that the ambassador should say, as it were to endear her to the queen-mother, “That they two were the only pair of female princes,

from whom, for experience and arts of government, | further into this queen's praises, moral or politic, there was no less expected than from the greatest either I must slide into certain commonplaces, kings." She utterly disliked the comparison, and heads of virtue, which were not worthy of so and commanded it to be put out, saying, "That great a princess: or if I should desire to give her she practised other principles and arts of govern- virtues the true grace and lustre, I must fall into ment than the queen-mother did." Besides she a history of her life, which requireth both better was not a little pleased, if any one should fortune leisure and a better pen than mine is. Thus much to tell her, that suppose she had lived in a private in brief according to my ability: but to say the fortune, yet she could not have escaped without truth, the only commender of this lady's virtues is some note of excellency and singularity in her sex. time; which for as many ages as it hath run, hath So little did she desire to borrow or be beholding not yet showed us one of the female sex equal to to her fortune for her praise. But if I should wade her in the administration of a kingdom.

A

CIVIL CHARACTER OF JULIUS CÆSAR.

WRITTEN BY HIS LORDSHIP IN LATIN, AND ENGLISHED BY DR. RAWLEY.

sumptuous buildings; he procured to be enacted no wholesome laws, but still minded himself: and so his thoughts were confined within the circle of his own life. He sought indeed after fame and reputation, because he thought they might be profitable to his designs: otherwise, in his inward thoughts, he prepounded to himself rather abso

JULIUS CAESAR was partaker at first of an exer- | tablished nothing for the future; he founded no cised fortune; which turned to his benefit; for it bated the haughtiness of his spirit, and whetted his industry. He had a mind, turbulent in his desires and affections; but in his judgment and understanding very serene and placid: this appears by his easy deliverances of himself, both in his transactions and in his speech. For no man ever resolved more swiftly, or spake more perspi-luteness of power, than honour and fame. For cuously and plainly. There was nothing forced or difficult in his expressions. But in his will and appetite, he was of that condition, that he never rested in those things he had gotten; but still thirsted and pursued after new; yet so, that he would not rush into new affairs rashly, but settle and make an end of the former, before he attempted fresh actions. So that he would put a seasonable period to all his undertakings. And therefore, though he won many battles in Spain, and weakened their forces by degrees; yet he would not give over, nor despise the relics of the civil war there, till he had seen all things composed: but then as soon as that was done, and the state settled, instantly he advanced in his expedition gainst the Parthians.

He was, no doubt, of a very noble mind; but yet such as aimed more at his particular advancement, than at any merits for the common good. For he referred all things to himself; and was the true and perfect centre of all his actions. By which means, being so fast tied to his ends, he was still prosperous, and prevailed in his purposes insomuch, that neither country, nor religion, nor good turns done him, nor kindred, nor friendship diverted his appetite, nor bridled him from pursuing his own ends. Neither was he much inclined to works of perpetuity; for he esVOL. I.-51

as for honour and fame, he pursued not after them for themselves: but because they were the instruments of power and greatness. And therefore he was carried on through a natural inclination, not by any rules that he had learned to affect the sole regiment; and rather to enjoy the same, than to seem worthy of it. And by this means he won much reputation amongst the people, who are no valuers of true worth; but amongst the nobility and great men, who were tender of their own honours, it procured him no more than this, that he incurred the brand of an ambitious and daring man.

Neither did they much err from the truth who thought him so, for he was by nature exceeding bold; and never did put on any show of modesty, except it were for some purpose. Yet notwithstanding, he so attempered his boldness, that it neither impeached him of rashness, nor was burdensome to men; nor rendered his nature suspected, but was conceived to flow out of an innate sincerity and freeness of behaviour; and the nobility of his birth: and in all other things he passed, not for a crafty and deceitful person, but for an open-hearted and plain-dealing man. whereas he was indeed an arch-politician, that could counterfeit and dissemble sufficiently well; and was wholly compounded of frauds and deceits; so that there was nothing sincere in him,

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but all artificial; yet he covered, and disguised himself so, that no such vices appeared to the eyes of the world; but he was generally reputed to proceed plainly and uprightly with all men. Howbeit, he did not stoop to any petty and mean artifices, as they do, which are ignorant in state employments; and depend not so much upon the strength of their own wits, as upon the counsels and brains of others, to support their authority; for he was skilled in the turnings of all human affairs; and transacted all matters, especially those of high consequence, by himself, and not by others.

He was singularly skilful to avoid envy; and found it not impertinent to his ends, to decline that, though it were with some diminution of his dignity. For aiming at a real power, he was content to pass by all vain pomp and outward shows of power throughout his whole life; till at the last, whether high-flown with the continual exercise of power, or corrupted with flatteries, he affected the ensigns of power, (the style and diadem of a king,) which was the bait that wrought

his overthrow.

ing it for five years more; he furnished himself with arms and legions, and the power of a warlike and opulent province; and was formidable to Italy.

Neither was he ignorant, that after he had strengthened himself with arms, and a military power, neither Crassus nor Pompey could ever be able to bear up against him; whereof the one trusted to his great riches; the other to his fame and reputation; the one decayed through age, the other in power and authority: and neither of them were grounded upon true and lasting foundations. And the rather, for that he had obliged all the senators and magistrates: and in a word all those that had any power in the commonwealth, so firmly to himself, with private benefits, that he was fearless of any combination or opposition against his designs, till he had openly invaded the imperial power.

Which thing, though he always bare in his mind, and at the last acted it; yet he did not lay down his former person: but coloured things so, that what with the reasonableness of his demands; what with his pretences of peace; and what with the moderate use of his successes, he turned all the envy of the adverse party; and seemed to take up arms upon necessity for his own preservation and safety. But the falseness of this pretence manifestly appeared, inasmuch as soon after having obtained the regal power, all civil wars being appeased, and all his rivals and opposites, which might put him to any fear, being removed out of the way by the stroke of death; notwithstanding he never thought of resigning the republic; no, nor ever made any show or offer of

his ambition of being a king was settled in him, and remained with him unto his last breath. For he did not lay hold upon occasions, as they happened, but moulded and formed the occasions, as himself pleased.

This is true, that he harboured the thoughts of a kingdom from his very youth: and hereunto the example of Sylla, and the kindred of Marius, and his emulation of Pompey, and the corruption and ambition of the times, did prick him forward: but then he paved his way to a kingdom, after a wonderful and strange manner. As first, by a popular and seditious power; afterwards by a military power, and that of a general in war. For there was required to effect his ends; first, that he should break the power and authority of the senate; which, as long as it stood firm, was ad-resigning the same. Which showed plainly, that verse, and a hinderance, that no man could climb to sovereignty and imperial command. Then the power of Crassus and Pompey was to be subdued and quelled, which could not be done otherwise than by arms. And therefore, as the most cunning contriver of his own fortune, he laid his first foundation by bribes; by corrupting the courts of justice; by renewing the memory of Caius Marius, and his party; for most of the senators and nobility were of Sylla's faction: by the laws of distributing the fields, amongst the common people: by the sedition of the tribunes, where he was the author: by the madness and fury of Catiline, and the conspirators, unto which action he secretly blew the coals! By the banishment of Cicero, which was the greatest blow to the authority of the senate, as might be; and several other the like arts; but most of all by the conjunction of Crassus and Pompey, both betwixt themselves, and with him; which was the thing that finished the work.

His chief abilities consisted in martial knowledge; in which he so excelled, that he could not only lead an army, but mould an army to his own liking. For he was not more skilful in managing affairs, than in winning of hearts. Neither did he effect this by any ordinary discipline, as by inuring them to fulfil all his commands; or by striking a shame into them to disobey, or by carrying a severe hand over them: but by such a way as did wonderfully stir up an alacrity and cheerfulness in them; and did in a sort assure him of the victory aforehand, and which did oblige the soldier to him, more than was fit for a free estate. Now whereas he was versed in all kinds of martial knowledge, and joined civil arts, with the arts of war; nothing came so suddenly, or so unlooked for upon him, for which he had not a remedy at hand: and nothing was so adverse, but that he could pick something for his turn and benefit out

Having accomplished this part, he betook himself to the other; which was to make use of, and to enjoy his power. For being made proconsul of France for five years; and afterwards continu- of it.