failing in her alchymy, weary of her experiments; cestor to the lady, was brought in, to be the for and partly being a little sweetened, for that the king had not touched her name in the confession of Perkin, that he came over again upon good terms, and was reconciled to the king.

In the beginning of the next year, being the seventeenth of the king, the Lady Catharine, fourth daughter of Ferdinando and Isabella, King and Queen of Spain, arrived in England at Plymouth, the second of October, and was married to Prince Arthur, in Paul's, the fourteenth of November following: the prince being then about fifteen years of age, and the lady about eighteen. The mariner of her receiving, the manner of her entry into London, and the celebrity of the marriage, were performed with great and true magnificence, in regard of cost, show, and order. The chief man that took the care was Bishop Fox, who was not only a grave counsellor for war or peace, but also a good surveyor of works, and a good master of ceremonies, and any thing else that was fit for the active part, belonging to the service of court or state of a great king. This marriage was almost seven years in treaty, which was in part caused by the tender years of the marriage-couple, especially of the prince: but the true reason was, that | these two princes, being princes of great policy and profound judgment, stood a great time looking one upon another's fortunes, how they would go; knowing well, that in the mean time the very treaty itself gave abroad in the world a reputation of a strait conjunction and amity between them, which served on both sides to many purposes, that their several affairs required, and yet they continued still free. But in the end, when the fortunes of both the princes did grow every day more and more prosperous and assured, and that looking all about them, they saw no better conditions, they shut it up.

tune-teller of the match. And whosoever had those toys in compiling, they were not altogether pedantical; but you may be sure, that King Arthur, the Briton, and the descent of the Lady Catharine from the house of Lancaster, was in nowise forgotten. But as it should seem, it is not good to fetch fortunes from the stars; for this young prince, that drew upon him at that time, not only the hopes and affections of his country, but the eyes and expectation of foreigners, after a few months, in the beginning of April, deceased at Ludlow castle, where he was sent to keep his resiance and court, as Prince of Wales. Of this prince, in respect he died so young, and by reason of his father's manner of education, that did cast no great lustre upon his children, there is little particular memory: only thus much remaineth, that he was very studious and learned, beyond his years, and beyond the custom of great princes.

There was a doubt ripped up in the times following, when the divorce of King Henry the Eighth from the Lady Catharine did so much busy the world, whether Arthur was bedded with his lady or no, whereby that matter in fact, of carnal knowledge, might be made part of the case. And it is true, that the lady herself denied it, or at least her counsel stood upon it, and would not blanch that advantage, although the plenitude of the pope's power of dispensing was the main question. And this doubt was kept long open, in respect of the two queens that succeeded, Mary and Elizabeth, whose legitimations were incompatible one with another, though their succession was settled by act of parliament. And the times that favoured Queen Mary's legitimation would have it believed, that there was no carnal knowledge between Arthur and Catharine. Not that they would seem to derogate from the pope's absolute power, to dispense even in that The marriage money the princess brought, case: but only in point of honour, and to make which was turned over to the king by act of the case more favourable and smooth. And the renunciation, was two hundred thousand ducats; times that favoured Queen Elizabeth's legitimawhereof one hundred thousand were payable tention, which were the longer and the latter, maindays after the solemnization, and the other hun-tained the contrary. So much there remaineth dred thousand at two payments annual; but part in memory, that it was half a year's time between of it to be in jewels and plate, and a due course set down to have them justly and indifferently prized. The jointure or advancement of the lady, was the third part of the Principality of Wales, and of the Dukedom of Cornwall, and of the Earldom of Chester, to be after set forth in severalty; and in case she came to be Queen of England, her advancement was left indefinite, but thus; that it should be as great as ever any former Queen of England had. In all the devices and conceits of the triumphs of this marriage, there was a great deal of astronomy; the lady being resembled to Hesperus, and the prince to Arcturus, and the old King Alphonsus, that was the greatest astronomer of kings, and was an

the creation of Henry, Prince of Wales, and Prince Arthur's death, which was construed to be, for to expect a full time, whereby it might appear, whether the Lady Catharine were with child by Prince Arthur, or no. Again, the lady herself procured a bull, for the better corroboration of the marriage, with a clause of “vel forsan cognitam," which was not in the first bull. There was given in evidence also, when the cause of the divorce was handled, a pleasant passage, which was, that in a morning, Prince Arthur, upon his uprising from bed with her, called for drink, which he was not accustomed to do, and finding the gentlemen of his chamber that brought him the drink, to smile at it, and to 2 I

note it, he said merrily to him, that he had been prejudice the monarchy of England. Whereunto in the midst of Spain, which was a hot region, and his journey had made him dry; and that if the other had been in so hot a clime, he would have been drier than he. Besides the prince was upon the point of sixteen years of age when he died, and forward, and able in body.

the king himself replied; that if that should be, Scotland would be but an accession to England, and not England to Scotland, for that the greater would draw the less; and that it was a safer union for England than that of France. This passed as an oracle, and silenced those that moved the question.

The February following, Henry, Duke of York was created Prince of Wales, and Earl of Chester The same year was fatal, as well for deaths as and Flint: for the Dukedom of Cornwall devolv- marriages, and that with equal temper. For the ed to him by statute. The king also being fast-joys and feasts of the two marriages were comhanded, and loath to part with a second dowry, but chiefly being affectionate both by his nature, and out of politic considerations to continue the alliance with Spain, prevailed with the prince, though not without some reluctation, such as could be in those years, for he was not twelve years of age, to be contracted with the Princess Catharine. The secret providence of God ordaining that marriage to be the occasion of great events and changes.

pensed with the mournings and funerals of Prince Arthur, of whom we have spoken, and of Queen Elizabeth, who died in child-bed in the Tower, and the child lived not long after. There died also that year, Sir Reginald Bray, who was noted to have had with the king the greatest freedom of any counsellor: but it was but a freedom the better to set off flattery. Yet he bare more than his just part of envy for the exactions.

At this time the king's estate was very prosperous: secured by the amity of Scotland, strengthened by that of Spain, cherished by that of Burgundy, all domestic troubles quenched, and all noise of war, like a thunder afar off, going upon Italy. Wherefore nature, which many times is happily contained and refrained by some bands of fortune, began to take place in the king; carrying, as with a strong tide, his affections and thoughts unto the gathering and heaping up of treasure. And as kings do more easily find instruments for their will and humour, than for their service and honour; he had gotten for his

The same year were the espousals of James, King of Scotland, with the Lady Margaret, the king's eldest daughter; which was done by proxy, and published at Paul's cross, the five and twentieth of January, and Te Deum solemnly sung. But certain it is, that the joy of the city thereupon showed, by ringing of bells and bonfires, and such other incense of the people, was more than could be expected, in a case of so great and fresh enmity between the nations, especially in London, which was far enough off from feeling any of the former calamities of the war; and therefore might be truly attributed to a secret instinct | purpose, or beyond his purpose, two instruments, and inspiring, which many times runneth not only in the hearts of princes, but in the pulse and veins of people, touching the happiness thereby to ensue in time to come. This marriage was in August following, consummate at Edinburgh: the king bringing his daughter as far as Colliweston on the way, and then consigning her to the attendance of the Earl of Northumberland; who, with a great troop of lords and ladies of honour, brought her into Scotland, to the king her husband.

Empson and Dudley, whom the people esteemed as his horse-leeches and shearers, bold men and careless of fame, and that took toll of their master's grist. Dudley was of a good family, eloquent, and one that could put hateful business into good language. But Empson, that was the son of a sieve-maker, triumphed always upon the deed done, putting off all other respects whatsoever. These two persons being lawyers in science, and privy counsellors in authority, as the corruption of the best things is the worst, turned law and justice into wormwood and rapine. For the first, their manner was to cause divers subjects to be indicted of sundry crimes, and so far forth to pro

This marriage had been in treaty by the space of almost three years, from the time that the king of Scotland did first open his mind to Bishop Fox. The sum given in marriage by the king was ten thousand pounds: and the jointure and advance-ceed in form of law: but when the bills were ment assured by the King of Scotland was two thousand pounds a year, after King James's death, and one thousand pounds a year in present, for the lady's allowance or maintenance. This to be set forth in lands, of the best and most certain revenue. During the treaty, it is reported, that the king remitted the matter to his council; and that some of the table, in the freedom of counsellors, the king being present, did put the case, that if God should take the king's two sons without issue, that then the kingdom of England would fall to the King of Scotland, which might

found, then presently to commit them: and nevertheless not to produce them in any reasonable time to their answer, but to suffer them to languish long in prison, and by sundry artificial devices and terrors to extort from them great fines and ransom, which they termed compositions and mitigations.

Neither did they, towards the end, observe so much as the half-face of justice, in proceeding by indictment; but sent forth their precepts to attach men and convent them before themselves, and some others, at their private houses, in a court of

commission; and there used to shuffle up a summary proceeding by examination, without trial of jury; assuming to themselves there to deal both in pleas of the crown, and controversies civil.

Then did they also use to enthral and charge the subjects' lands with tenures "in capite," by finding false offices, and thereby to work upon them for wardships, liveries, premier seisins, and alienations, being the fruits of those tenures, refusing, upon divers pretexts and delays, to admit men to traverse those false offices, according to the law. Nay, the king's wards, after they had accomplished their full age, could not be suffered to have livery of their lands, without paying excessive fines, far exceeding all reasonable rates. They did also vex men with informations of intrusion, upon scarce colourable titles.

When men were outlawed in personal actions, they would not permit them to purchase their charters of pardon, except they paid great and intolerable sums; standing upon the strict point of law, which upon outlawries giveth forfeiture of goods; nay, contrary to all law and colour, they maintained the king ought to have the half of men's lands and rents, during the space of full two years, for a pain in case of outlawry. They would also ruffle with jurors, and enforce them to find as they would direct, and, if they did not, convent them, imprison them, and fine them.

These and many other courses, fitter to be buried than repeated, they had of preying upon the people; both like tame hawks for their master, and like wild hawks for themselves; insomuch as they grew to great riches and substance: but their principal working was upon penal laws, wherein they spared none, great nor small; nor considered whether the law were possible or impossible, in use or obsolete: but raked over all old and new statutes, though many of them were made with intention rather of terror than of rigour, having ever a rable of promoters, questmongers, and leading jurors at their command, so as they could have any thing found either for fact or valuation.

There remaineth to this day a report, that the king was on a time entertained by the Earl of Oxford, that was his principal servant both for war and peace, nobly and sumptuously, at his castle at Henningham: And at the king's going away, the earl's servants stood, in a seemly manner, in their livery coats, with cognisances, ranged on both sides, and made the king a lane. The king called the earl to him, and said, "My lord, I have heard much of your hospitality, but I see it is greater than the speech: These handsome gentlemen and yeomen, which I see on both sides of me, are sure your menial servants." The earl smiled, and said, "It may please your grace, that were not for mine ease: they are most of them my retainers, that are come to do me service at such a time as this, and chiefly to see your grace."

The king started a little, and said, " By Iny faith, my lord, I thank you for my good cheer, but I may not endure to have my laws broken in my sight: my attorney must speak with you." And it is part of the report, that the earl compounded for no less than fifteen thousand marks. And to show further the king's extreme diligence, I do remember to have seen long since a book of accompt of Empson's, that had the king's hand almost to every leaf, by way of signing, and was in some places postilled in the margin with the king's hand likewise, where was this remembrance.

"Item, Received of such a one five marks, for a pardon to be procured; and if the pardon do not pass, the money to be repaid: except the party be some other ways satisfied." And over-against this "Memorandum," of the king's own hand,

"Otherwise satisfied."

Which I do the rather mention, because it shows in the king a nearness, but yet with a kind of justness. So these little sands and grains of gold and silver, as it seemeth, helped not a little to make up the great heap and bank.

But meanwhile, to keep the king awake, the Earl of Suffolk, having been too gay at Prince Arthur's marriage, and sunk himself deep in debt, had yet once more a mind to be a knight-errant, and to seek adventures in foreign parts; and taking his brother with him, fled again into Flanders. That, no doubt, which gave him confidence, was the great murmur of the people against the king's government: and being a man of a light and rash spirit, he thought every vapour would be a tempest. Neither wanted he some party within the kingdom: for the murmur of people awakes the discontents of nobles; and again, that calleth up commonly some head of sedition. The king resorting to his wonted and tried arts, caused Sir Robert Curson, captain of the castle at Hammes, being at that time beyond sea, and therefore less likely to be wrought upon by the king, to fly from his charge, and to feign himself a servant of the earl's. This knight, having insinuated himself into the secrets of the earl, and finding by him upon whom chiefly he had either hope or hold, advertised the king thereof in great secrecy: but nevertheless maintained his own credit and inward trust with the earl. Upon whose advertisement the king attached William Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, his brother-in-law, married to the Lady Catharine, daughter to King Edward the Fourth; William de la Pole, brother to the Earl of Suffolk; Sir James Tirrel, and Sir John Windham, and some other meaner persons, and committed them to custody. George Lord Abergaven ny, and Sir Thomas Green, were at the same time apprehended: but as upon less suspicion, so in a freer restraint, and were soon after delivered

There was a law also of resumption of patents of jails, and the reannexing of them to the sheriffwicks; privileged officers being no less an interruption of justice, than privileged places.

The Earl of Devonshire being interested in the | had of them no manufacture in use at that time blood of York, that was rather feared than nocent; but of knit silk, or texture of silk; as ribands yet as one that might be the object of others plots laces, cauls, points, and girdles, &c., which the and designs, remained prisoner in the Tower, dur- people of England could then well skill to make. ing the king's life. William de la Pole was also This law pointed at a true principle; "That where long restrained, though not so straitly. But for foreign materials are but superfluities, foreign Sir James Tirrel, against whom the blood of the manufactures should be prohibited." For that innocent princes, Edward the Fifth, and his brother, will either banish the superfluity, or gain the did still " cry from under the altar," and Sir John manufacture. Windham, and the other meaner ones, they were attainted and executed; the two knights beheaded. Nevertheless, to confirm the credit of Curson, who belike had not yet done all his feats of activity, there was published at Paul's cross, about the time of the said executions, the pope's bull of excommunication and curse against the Earl of Suffolk and Sir Robert Curson, and some others by name; and likewise in general against all the abettors of the said earl: wherein it must be confessed, that heaven was made too much to bow to earth, and religion to policy. But soon after, Curson, when he saw the time, returned into England, and withal into wonted favour with the king, but worse fame with the people. Upon whose return the earl was much dismayed, and seeing himself destitute of hopes, the Lady Margaret also, by tract of time and bad success, being now become cool in those attempts, after some wandering in France and Germany, and certain little projects, no better than squibs of an exiled man, being tired out, retired again into the protection of the Archduke Philip in Flanders, who by the death of Isabella was at that time King of Castile, in the right of Joan his wife.

This year, being the nineteenth of his reign, the king called his parliament; wherein a man may easily guess how absolute the king took himself to be with his parliament, when Dudley, that was so hateful, was made Speaker of the House of Commons. In this parliament there were not made any statutes memorable touching public government; but those that were, had still the stamp of the king's wisdom and policy.

There was a statute made for the disannulling of all patents of lease or grant, to such as came not upon lawful summons to serve the king in his wars, against the enemies or rebels, or that should depart without the king's licence; with an exception of certain persons of the long robe; providing, nevertheless, that they should have the king's wages from their house till they return home again. There had been the like made before for offices, and by this statute it was extended to lands. But a man may easily see by many statutes made in this king's time, that the king thought it safest to assist martial law by law of parliament.

Another statute was made prohibiting the bringing in of manufactures of silk wrought by itself, or mixed with any other thread. But it was not of stuffs of whole piece, for that the realm

There was likewise a law to restrain the bylaws or ordinances of corporations, which many times were against the prerogative of the king, the common law of the realm, and the liberty of the subject, being fraternities in evil. It was therefore provided, that they should not be put in execution, without the allowance of the chancellor, treasurer, and the two chief justices, or three of them, or of the two justices of circuit where the corporation was.

Another law was, in effect, to bring in the silver of the realm to the mint, in making all clipped, minished, or impaired coins of silver not to be current in payments; without giving any remedy of weight, but with an exception only of reasonable wearing, which was as nothing in respect of the uncertainty; and so, upon the matter, to set the mint on work, and to give way to new coins of silver, which should be then minted.

There likewise was a long statute against vagabonds, wherein two things may be noted; the one, the dislike the parliament had of jailing them, as that which was chargeable, pesterous, and of no open example. The other that in the statutes of this king's time, for this of the nineteenth year is not the only statute of that kind, there are ever coupled the punishment of vagabonds, and the forbidding of dice and cards, and unlawful games, unto servants and mean people, houses, as strings of one root together, and as if and the putting down and suppressing of alethe one were unprofitable without the other.

As for riot and retainers, there passed scarce any parliament in this time without a law against them: the king ever having an eye to might and multitude.

There was granted also that parliament a subsidy, both from the temporalty and the clergy. And yet, nevertheless, ere the year expired, there went out commissions for a general benevolence, though there were no wars, no fears. The same year the city gave five thousand marks, for confirmation of their liberties; a thing fitter for the beginnings of kings' reigns than the latter ends. Neither was it a small matter that the mint gained upon the late statute, by the recoinage of groats and half-groats, now twelve-pences and sixpences. As for Empson and Dudley's mills, they

did grind more than ever: so that it was a strange | upon whom the surest aim that could be taken thing to see what golden showers poured down was, that he would not be long as he had been upon the king's treasury at once; the last payments of the marriage-money from Spain; the subsidy; the benevolence; the recoinage; the redemption of the city's liberties; the casualties. And this is the more to be marvelled at, because the king had then no occasions at all of wars or troubles. He had now but one son and one daughter unbestowed. He was wise; he was of a high mind; he needed not to make riches his glory; he did excel in so many things else; save that certainly avarice doth ever find in itself matter of ambition. Belike he thought to leave his son such a kingdom, and such a mass of treasure, as he might choose his greatness where he would.

This year was also kept the sergeants' feast, which was the second call in this king's days.

last before, would, all three, being potent princes, enter into some strait league and confederation amongst themselves: whereby though he should not been dangered, yet he should be left to the poor amity of Arragon. And whereas he had been heretofore a kind of arbiter of Europe, he should now go less, and be over-topped by so great a conjunction. He had also, as it seems, an inclination to marry, and bethought himself of some fit conditions abroad; and amongst others he had heard of the beauty and virtuous behaviour of the young Queen. of Naples, the widow of Ferdinando the younger, being then of matronal years of seven-and-twenty: by whose marriage he thought that the kingdom of Naples, having been a goal for a time between the King of Arragon and the French king, and being but newly settled, might in some part be deposited About this time, Isabella, Queen of Castile, in his hands, who was so able to keep the stakes. deceased; a right noble lady, and an honour to Therefore he sent in embassage or message three her sex and times, and the corner-stone of the confident persons, Francis Marsin, James Braygreatness of Spain that hath followed. This brooke, and John Stile, upon two several inquiaccident the king took not for news at large, but sitions rather than negotiations. The one touchthought it had a great relation to his own affairs, ing the person and condition of the young Queen especially in two points: the one for example, the of Naples; the other touching all particulars of other for consequence. First, he conceived that estate, that concerned the fortunes and intentions the case of Ferdinando of Arragon, after the death of Ferdinando. And because they may observe of Queen Isabella, was his own case after the best, who themselves are observed least, he sent death of his own queen; and the case of Joan them under colourable pretexts: giving them the heir unto Castile, was the case of his own letters of kindness and compliment from Cathason Prince Henry. For if both of the kings had rine the princess, to her aunt and niece, the old their kingdoms in the right of their wives, they and young Queen of Naples, and delivering to descended to the heirs, and did not accrue to the them also a book of new articles of peace: which husbands. And although his own case had both notwithstanding it had been delivered unto Doctor steel and parchment, more than the other, that is de Puebla, the lieger ambassador of Spain here in to say, a conquest in the field, and an act of par- England, to be sent; yet for that the king had liament, yet notwithstanding, that natural title of been long without hearing from Spain, he thought descent in blood did, in the imagination even of good those messengers, when they had been with a wise man, breed a doubt that the other two the two queens, should likewise pass on to the were not safe nor sufficient. Wherefore he was court of Ferdinando, and take a copy of the book wonderful diligent to inquire and observe what with them. The instructions touching the Queen became of the King of Arragon, in holding and of Naples were so curious and exquisite, being continuing the kingdom of Castile; and whether as articles whereby to direct a survey, or framing he did hold it in his own right; or as adminis- a particular of her person, for complexion, favour, trator to his daughter; and whether he were like feature, stature, health, age, customs, behaviour, to hold it in fact, or to be put out by his son-in-conditions, and estate, as, if the king had been law. Secondly, he did revolve in his mind, that the state of Christendom might by this late accident have a turn. For whereas, before time, himself, with the conjunction of Arragon and Castile, which then was one, and the amity of Maximilian and Philip his son the archduke, was far too strong a party for France; he began to fear, that now the French king, (who had great interest in the affections of Philip, the young King of Castile, who was in ill terms with his father-in-law about the present government of Castile; and thirdly, Maximilian, Philip's father, who was ever variable, and VOL. I.-48

young, a man would have judged him to be amorous: but, being ancient, it ought to be interpreted, that sure he was very chaste, for that he meant to find all things in one woman, and so to settle his affections without ranging. But in this match he was soon cooled, when he heard frorn his ambassadors, that this young queen had had a goodly jointure in the realm of Naples, well answered during the time of her uncle Frederick, yea, and during the time of Lewis, the French king, in whose division her revenue fell; but since the time that the kingdom was in Ferdinando's hands, all was assigned to the army and 212