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nevertheless, more light may be taken from that [ and well-balancing of trade; the cherishing of which followeth,) and let us speak first of the materials of seditions, then of the motives of them, and thirdly of the remedies.

manufactures; the banishing of idleness; the repressing of waste and excess, by sumptuary laws; the improvement and husbanding of the soil; the regulating of prices of things vendible; the moderating of taxes and tributes, and the like. Generally, it is to be foreseen that the population of a kingdom (especially if it be not mown down by wars) do not exceed the stock of the kingdom which should maintain them: neither is the population to be reckoned only by number; for a smaller num

Concerning the materials of seditions, it is a thing well to be considered; for the surest way to prevent seditions, (if the times do bear it,) is to take away the matter of them; for if there be fuel prepared, it is hard to tell whence the spark shall 'come that shall set it on fire. The matter of seditions is of two kinds, much poverty and much discontentment. It is certain, so many overthrown | ber that spend more and earn less, do wear out an

estates, so many votes for troubles. Lucan noteth well the state of Rome before the civil war,

"Hinc usura vorax, rapidumque in tempore fœnus, Hinc concussa fides, et multis utile bellum."

estate sooner than a greater number that live lower and gather more; therefore the multiplying of nobility, and other degrees of quality, in an over proportion to the common people, doth speedily bring a state to necessity; and so doth likewise an overgrown clergy, for they bring nothing to the stock; and, in like manner, when more are bred scholars than preferments can take off.

It is likewise to be remembered, that forasmuch as the increase of any estate must be upon the foreigner, (for whatsoever is somewhere gotten, is somewhere lost,) there be but three things which one nation selleth unto another; the commodity, as nature yieldeth it; the manufacture; and the victure, or carriage; so that if these three wheels go, wealth will flow as in a spring tide. And it cometh many times to pass, that "materiam superabit opus," that the work and carriage is more worth than the material, and enricheth a state more; as is

This same "multus utile bellum," is an assured and infallible sign of a state disposed to seditions and troubles; and if this poverty and broken estate in the better sort be joined with a want and necessity in the mean people, the danger is imminent and great; for the rebellions of the belly are the worst. As for discontentments, they are in the politic body like humours in the natural, which are apt to gather a preternatural heat and to inflame; and let no prince measure the danger of them by this, whether they be just or unjust: for that were to imagine people to be too reasonable, who do often spurn at their own good; nor yet by this, whether the griefs whereupon they rise be in fact great or small; for they are the most dan-notably seen in the Low Countrymen, who have gerous discontentments where the fear is greater than the feeling: "Dolendi modus, timendi non Above all things, good policy is to be used, item:" besides, in great oppressions, the same that the treasure and monies in a state be not things that provoke the patience, do withal mate gathered into few hands; for, otherwise, a state the courage: but in fears it is not so; neither let may have a great stock, and yet starve: and any prince, or state, be secure concerning discon- money is like muck, not good except it be tentments because they have been often, or have spread. This is done chiefly by suppressing, or, been long, and yet no peril hath ensued; for as it at the least, keeping a strait hand upon the devouris true that every vapour, or fume, doth not turning trades of usury, engrossing, great pasturages, into a storm, so it is nevertheless true, that and the like. storms, though they blow over divers times, yet may fall at last; and as the Spanish proverb noteth well, “The cord breaketh at the last by the weakest pull.

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the best mines above ground in the world.

For removing discontentments, or at least the danger of them, there is in every state (as we know) two portions of subjects, the nobles and the commonality. When one of these is disconThe causes and motions of seditions are innova- tent, the danger is not great; for common people tion in religion, taxes, alteration of laws and cus-are of slow motion, if they be not excited by the toms, breaking of privileges, general oppression, greater sort; and the greater sort are of small advancement of unworthy persons, strangers, dearths, disbanded soldiers, factions grown desperate; and whatsoever in offending people joineth and knitteth them in a common cause.

For the remedies, there may be some general preservatives, whereof we will speak: as for the just cure it must answer to the particular disease; and so be left to counsel rather than rule.

The first remedy, or prevention, is to remove, by all means possible, that material cause of sedition whereof we speak, which is, want and poverty in the estate; to which purpose serveth the opening

strength, except the multitude be apt and ready to move of themselves: then is the danger, when the greater sort do but wait for the troubling of the waters amongst the meaner, that then they may declare themselves. The poets feign that the rest of the gods would have bound Jupiter, which he hearing of, by the counsel of Pallas, sent for Briareus, with his hundred hands, to come in to his aid: an emblem, no doubt, to show how safe it is for monarchs to make sure of the good will of common people.

*See note H, at the end of the Essays.

for as for large discourses, they are flat things, and not so much noted.

To give moderate liberty for griefs and discontentments to evaporate (so it be without too great insolency or bravery) is a safe way: for he that turneth the humours back, and maketh the wound bleed inwards, endangereth malign ulcers and per-military valour, near unto them, for the repressing nicious imposthumations.

The part of Epimetheus might well become Prometheus, in the case of discontentments, for there is not a better provision against them. Epimetheus, when griefs and evils flew abroad, at last shut the lid, and kept hope in the bottom of the vessel. Certainly, the politic and artificial nourishing and entertaining of hopes, and carrying men from hopes to hopes, is one of the best antidotes against the poison of discontentments; and it is a certain sign of a wise government and proceeding, when it can hold men's hearts by hopes, when it cannot by satisfaction; and when it can handle things in such manner as no evil shall appear so peremptory but that it hath some outlet of hope: which is the less hard to do: because both particular persons and factions are apt enough to flatter themselves, or at least to brave that, they believe not.

Lastly, let princes, against all events, not be without some great person, one or rather more, of

of seditions in their beginnings; for without that, there useth to be more trepidation in court upon the first breaking out, of troubles, than were fit; and the state runneth the danger of that which Tacitus saith, "atque is habitus animorum fuit, ut pessimum facinus auderent pauci, plures vellent, omnes paterentur:" but let such military persons be assured, and well reputed of, rather than factious and popular; holding also good correspondence with the other great men in the state, or else the remedy is worse than the disease.

XVI. OF ATHEISM.

I HAD rather believe all the fables in the legend, and the Talmud, and the Alcoran, than that this universal frame is without a mind; and, therefore, God never wrought miracle to convince atheism, because his ordinary works convince it. It is true, that a little philosophy inclineth man's mind to atheism, but depth in philosophy bringeth men's minds about to religion;* for while the mind of man looketh upon second causes scattered, it may sometimes rest in them, and go no further; but when it beholdeth the chain of them confederate, and linked together, it must needs fly to providence and Deity: nay, even that school which is most accused of atheism doth most demonstrate religion; that is the school of Leucippus, and Democritus, and Epicurus: for it is a thousand times more credible that four mutable elements, and one

Also the foresight and prevention, that there be no likely or fit head whereunto discontented persons may resort, and under whom they may join, is a known, but an excellent point of caution. I understand a fit head to be one that hath greatness and reputation, that hath confidence with the discontented party, and upon whom they turn their eyes, and that is thought discontented in his own particular which kind of persons are either to be won and reconciled to the state, and that in a fast and true manner; or to be fronted with some other of the same party that may oppose them, and so divide the reputation. Generally the dividing and break-immutable fifth essence, duly and eternally placed, ing of all factions and combinations that are adverse to the state, and setting them at distance, or, at least, distrust among themselves, is not one of the worst remedies: for it is a desperate case, if those that hold with the proceeding of the state be full of discord and faction, and those that are against it be entire and united.

I have noted, that some witty and sharp speeches, which have fallen from princes, have given fire to seditions. Cæsar did himself infinite hurt in that speech," Sylla nescivit literas, non potuit dictare;" for it did utterly cut off that hope which men had entertained, that he would one time or other give over his dictatorship. Galba undid himself by that speech, "legi a se militeni, non emi ;" for it put the soldiers out of hope of the donative. Probus, likewise, by that speech, "si vixéro non opus erit amplius Romano imperio militibus;" a speech of great despair for the soldiers, and many the like. Surely princes had need in tender matters and ticklish times, to beware what they say, especially in these short speeches, which fly abroad like darts, and are thought to be shot out of their secret intentions;

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need no God, than that an army of infinite small portions, or seeds unplaced, should have produced this order and beauty without a divine marshal. The Scripture saith, "The fool hath said in his heart, there is no God;" it is not said, "The fool hath thought in his heart;" so as he rather saith it by rote to himself, as that he would have, than that he can thoroughly believe it, or be persuaded of it; for none deny there is a God, but those for whom it maketh that there were no God. It appeareth in nothing more, that atheism is rather in the lip than in the heart of man, than by this, that atheists will ever be talking of that their opinion, as if they fainted in it within themselves, and would be glad to be strengthened by the consent of others: nay more, you shall have atheists strive to get disciples, as it fareth with other sects; and, which is most of all, you shall have of them that will suffer for atheism, and not recant; whereas, if they did truly think that there were no such thing as God, why should they trouble themselves? Epicurus is charged, that he did but dissemble for his credit's sake, when he affirmed there were * See note I, at the end of the Essays.

were blessed natures, but such as enjoyed them- | liditate Pœnos, nec artibus Græcos, nec denique selves without having respect to the government hoc ipso hujus, gentis et terræ domestico nativoque

sensu Italos ipsos et Latinos; sed pietate, ac religione, atque hac una sapientia, quod Deorum immortalium numine omnia regi, gubernarique perspeximus omnes, gentes nationesque superavimus."

XVII. OF SUPERSTITION.

Ir were better to have no opinion of God at all than such an opinion as is unworthy of him; for the one is unbelief, the other is contumely; and certainly superstition is the reproach of the Deity. Plutarch saith well to that purpose: "Surely,' saith he, "I had rather a great deal men should say there was no such man at all as Plutarch, than that they should say that there was one Plutarch, that would eat his children as soon as they were born:" as the poets speak of Saturn: and, as the contumely is greater towards God, so the danger is greater towards men. Atheism leaves a man to sense, to philosophy, to natural piety, to laws, to reputation: all which may be guides to an outward moral virtue, though religion were not; but superstition dismounts all these, and erecteth an absolute monarchy in the minds of men: therefore atheism did never perturb states; for it makes men wary of themselves, as looking no further, and we see the times inclined to atheism (as the time of Augustus Cæsar) were civil times: but superstition hath been the confusion of many states, and bring

of the world; wherein they say he did temporize, though in secret he thought there was no God: but certainly he is traduced, for his words are noble and divine: "Non Deos vulgi negare profanum; sed vulgi opiniones Diis applicare profanum." Plato could have said no more; and, although he had the confidence to deny the administration he had not the power to deny the nature. The Indians of the west have names for their particular gods though they have no name for God: as if the heathens should have had the names Jupiter, Apollo, Mars, &c. but not the word Deus, which shows that even those barbarous people have the notion, though they have not the latitude and extent of it: so that against atheists the very savages take part with the very subtlest philosophers. The contemplative atheist is rare, a Diagoras, a Bion, a Lucian perhaps, and some others; and yet they seem to be more than they are; for that all that impugn a received religion, or superstition, are, by the adverse part, branded with the name of atheists; but the great atheists indeed are hypocrites, which are ever handling holy things, but without feeling; so as they must needs be cauterized in the end. The causes of atheism are, divisions in religion, if they be many; for any one main division addeth zeal to both sides, but many divisions introduce atheism : another is, scandal of priests, when it is come to that which St. Bernard saith, "non est jam dicere, ut populus, sic sacerdos ; quia nec sic populus, ut sacer-eth in a new "primum mobile," that ravisheth all dos;" a third is, custom of profane scoffing in the spheres of government. The master of superholy matters, which doth by little and little deface stition is the people, and in all superstition wise the reverence of religion; and, lastly, learned men follow fools; and arguments are fitted to practimes, specially with peace and prosperity; for tice, in a reversed order. It was gravely said, by troubles and adversities do more bow men's minds some of the prelates in the council of Trent, where to religion. They that deny a God destroy man's the doctrine of the schoolmen bare great sway, that nobility; for certainly man is of kin to the beast the schoolmen were like astronomers, which did by his body; and, if he be not of kin to God by his feign eccentrics and epicycles, and such engines of spirit, he is a base and ignoble creature. It de- orbs to save phænomena, though they knew there stroys likewise magnanimity, and the raising of were no such things; and, in like manner, that human nature; for take an example of a dog, the schoolmen had framed a number of subtle and and mark what a generosity and courage he will intricate axioms and theorems, to save the practice put on when he finds himself maintained by a of the church. The causes of superstition are, man, who to him is instead of a God, or “ melior | pleasing and sensual rites and ceremonies; excess natura;" which courage is manifestly such as of outward and pharisaical holiness; over great that creature, without that confidence of a better reverence of traditions, which cannot but load the nature than his own, could never attain. So man, | church; the stratagems of prelates for their own when he resteth and assureth himself upon divine ambition and lucre; the favouring too much of protection and favour, gathereth a force and faith, good intentions, which openeth the gate to conceits which human nature in itself could not obtain; and novelties; the taking an aim at divine matters therefore, as atheism is in all respects hateful, so by human, which cannot but breed mixture of in this, that it depriveth human nature of the imaginations; and, lastly, barbarous times, esmeans to exalt itself above human frailty. As it pecially joined with calamities and disasters. is in particular persons, so it is in nations; never Superstition, without a veil, is a deformed thing; was there such a state for magnanimity as Rome; for as it addeth deformity to an ape to be so like of this state hear what Cicero saith, "Quam volu- a man, so the similitude of superstition to religion mus, licet, Patres conscripti, nos amemus, tamen makes it the more deformed: and, as wholesome nec numero Hispanos, nec robore Gallos, nec cal-meat corrupteth to little worms, so good forms and C VOL. I.-4

orders corrupt into a number of petty observances. | one city or town, more or less as the place deservThere is a superstition in avoiding superstition, eth, but not long; nay, when he stayeth in one when men think to do best if they go furthest city or town, let him change his lodging from one from the superstition formerly received; there-end and part of the town to another, which is a great fore care would be had that (as it fareth in ill purgings) the good be not taken away with the bad, which commonly is done when the people is the reformer.

XVIII. OF TRAVEL.

TRAVEL, in the younger sort, is a part of education; in the elder, a part of experience. He that travelleth into a country, before he hath some entrance into the language, goeth to school, and not to travel. That young men travel under some tutor, or grave servant, I allow well; so that he be such a one that hath the language, and hath been in the country before; whereby he may be able to tell them what things are worthy to be seen in the country where they go, what acquaintances they are to seek, what exercises or discipline the place yieldeth; for else young men shall go hooded, and look abroad little. It is a strange thing that, in sea voyages, where there is nothing to be seen but sky and sea, men should make diaries; but in land travel, wherein so much is to be observed, for the most part they omit it; as if chance were fitter to be registered than observation : let diaries, therefore, be brought in use. The things to be seen and observed are, the courts of princes, especially when they give audience to ambassadors; the courts of justice, while they sit and hear causes; and so of consistories ecclesiastic; the churches and monasteries, with the monuments which are therein extant; the walls and fortifications of cities and towns; and so the havens and harbours, antiquities and ruins, libraries, colleges, disputations, and lectures, where any are; shipping and navies; houses and gardens of state and pleasure, near great cities: armories, arsenals, magazines, exchanges, burses, warehouses, exercises of horsemanship, fencing, training of soldiers, and the like: comedies, such whereunto the better sort of persons do resort; treasuries of jewels and robes; cabinets and rarities; and, to conclude, whatsoever is memorable in the places where they go: after all which the tutors or servants ought to make diligent inquiry. As for triumphs, masks, feasts, weddings, funerals, capital executions, and such shows, men need not to be put in mind of them: yet are they not to be neglected. If you will have a young man to put his travel into a little room, and in short time to gather much, this you must do; first, as was said, he must have some entrance into the language before he goeth; then he must have such a servant, or tutor, as knoweth the country, as was likewise said: let him carry with him also some card or book, describing the country where he travelleth, which will be a good key to his inquiry; et him keep also a diary; let him not stay long in

adamant of acquaintance; let him sequester himself from the company of his countrymen, and diet in such places where there is good company of the nation where he travelleth: let him, upon his removes from one place to another, procure recommendation to some person of quality residing in the place whither he removeth, that he may use his favour in those things he desireth to see or know: thus he may abridge his travel with much profit. As for the acquaintance which is to be sought in travel, that which is the most of all profitable, is acquaintance with the secretaries and employed men of ambassadors: for so in travelling in one country he shall suck the experience of many: let him also see and visit eminent persons in all kinds, which are of great name abroad, that he may be able to tell how the life agreeth with the fame; For quarrels, they are with care and discretion to be avoided; they are commonly for mistresses, healths, place, and words; and let a man beware how he keepeth company with choleric and quarrelsome persons, for they will engage him into their own quarrels. When a traveller returneth home, let him not leave the country where he hath travelled altogether behind him; but maintain a correspondence by letters with those of his acquaintance which are most worth; and let his travel appear rather in his discourse than in his apparel or gesture; and in his discourse let him be rather advised in his answers, than forward to tell stories: and let it appear that he doth not change his country manners for those of foreign parts; but only prick in some flowers of that he hath learned abroad into the customs of his own country.

XIX. OF EMPIRE.

IT is a miserable state of mind to have few things to desire, and many things to fear; and yet that commonly is the case of kings, who being at the highest, want matter of desire, which makes their minds more languishing; and have many representations of perils and shadows, which makes their minds the less clear: and this is one reason also of that effect which the Scripture speaketh of, "That the king's heart is inscrutable:" for multitude of jealousies, and lack of some predominant desire, that should marshal and put in order all the rest, maketh any man's heart hard to find or sound. Hence it comes likewise, that princes many times make themselves desires, and set their hearts upon toys; sometimes upon a building; sometimes upon erecting of an order; sometimes upon the advancing of a person; sometimes upon obtaining excellence in some art, or feat of the hand; as Nero for playing on the harp; Domitian for certainty of the hand with the arrow; Commodus for

playing at fence; Caracalla for driving chariots, | France, and Charles the Fifth emperor, there was and the like. This seemeth incredible unto those such a watch kept that none of the three could that know not the principle, that the mind of man win a palm of ground, but the other two would is more cheered and refreshed by profiting in small straightways balance it, either by confederation, things than by standing at a stay in great. We or, if need were, by a war; and would not in any see also that kings that have been fortunate con- wise take up peace at interest: and the like querors in their first years, it being not possible was done by that league (which Guicciardini for them to go forward infinitely, but that they saith was the security of Italy) made between must have some check or arrest in their fortunes, Ferdinando, king of Naples, Lorenzius Medicis, turn in their latter years to be superstitious and and Ludovicus Sforsa, potentates, the one of Flomelancholy; as did Alexander the Great, Diocle- rence, the other of Milan. Neither is the opinion sian, and in our memory Charles the Fifth, and of some of the schoolmen to be received, that a cthers: for he that is used to go forward, and war cannot justly be made, but upon a precedent findeth a stop, falleth out of his own favour, and injury or provocation; for there is no question, is not the thing he was. but a just fear of an imminent danger though there be no blow given, is a lawful cause of a war.

To speak now of the true temper of empire, it is a thing rare and hard to keep; for both temper For their wives, there are cruel examples of and distemper consists of contraries: but it is one thing to mingle contraries, another to interchange them. Livia is infamed for the poisoning of her them. The answer of Apollonius to Vespasian | husband; Roxalana, Solyman's wife, was the deis full of excellent instruction. Vespasian asked him, what was Nero's overthrow? he answered, Nero could touch and tune the harp well, but in government sometimes he used to wind the pins too high, sometimes to let them down too low; and certain it is, that nothing destroyeth authority | so much as the unequal and untimely interchange of power pressed too far, and relaxed too much.

This is true, that the wisdom of all these latter times in princes' affairs, is rather fine deliveries, and shiftings of dangers and mischiefs, when they are near, than solid and grounded courses to keep them aloof: but this is but to try masteries with | fortune; and let men beware how they neglect and suffer matter of trouble to be prepared; for no man can forbid the spark, nor tell whence it may come. The difficulties in princes' business are many and great; but the greatest difficulty is often in their own mind; for it is common with princes (saith Tacitus) to will contradictories; "Sunt plerumque regum voluntates vehementes, et inter se contrariæ ;” for it is the solecism of power to think to command the end, and yet not to endure the mean.

Kings have to deal with their neighbours, their wives, their children, their prelates or clergy, their nobles, their second nobles or gentlemen, their merchants, their commons, and their men of war; and from all these arise dangers, if care and circumspection be not used.

First, for their neighbours, there can no general rule be given, (the occasions are so variable,) save one which ever holdeth; which is, that princes do keep due sentinel, that none of their neighbours do overgrow so (by increase of territory, by embracing of trade, by approaches, or the like) as they become more able to annoy them than they were; and this is generally the work of standing counsels to foresee and to hinder it. During that triumvirate of kings, King Henry the Eighth of England, Francis the First, king of

struction of that renowned prince, Sultan Mustapha, and otherwise troubled his house and succession; Edward the Second of England's queen had the principal hand in the deposing and murder of her husband. This kind of danger is then to be feared chiefly when the wives have plots for the raising of their own children, or else that they be advoutresses.

For their children, the tragedies likewise of dangers from them have been many; and generally the entering of fathers into suspicion of their children hath been ever unfortunate. The destruction of Mustapha (that we named before) was so fatal to Solyman's line, as the succession of the Turks from Solyman until this day is suspected to be untrue, and of strange blood; for that Selymus the Second was thought to be suppositious. The destruction of Crispus, a young prince of rare towardness, by Constantinus the Great, his father, was in like manner fatal to his house, for both Constantinus and Constance, his son, died violent deaths; and Constantius, his other son, did little better, who died indeed of sickness, but after that Julianus had taken arms against him. The destruction of Demetrius, son to Philip the Second of Macedon, turned upon the father, who died of repentance: and many like examples there are, but few or none where the fathers had good by such distrust, except it were where the sons were up in open arms against them; as was Selymus the First against Bajazet, and the three sons of Henry the Second king of England.

For their prelates, when they are proud and great, there is also danger from them; as it was in the times of Anselmus and Thomas Becket, archbishops of Canterbury, who with their crosiers did almost try it with the king's sword; and yet they had to deal with stout and haughty kings, William Rufus, Henry the First, and Henry the Second. The danger is not from that state, but

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