gard to justice. They thought him hardly used-his appeal softened their hearts-they compassionated him as a "very honest gentleman," ill-treated by a set of designing men-and as a king, they believed and trusted him.

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On whatever principles we are to account for this revolution in the feelings of men, it certainly manifested itself in the most striking and portentous manner. No sooner had he dissolved the parliament, which met at Oxford, and issued a declaration, fraught," as Sir John Reresby expresses it," with the fairest promises to his people, and assuring them of his firm intentions to govern inviolably according to law, and the like," than he received "the thanks of the city of London, and of several counties and.corporations throughout England."Address followed address-each vying with the other in abuse of all those principles, which had both before and have since been entertained, with religious devotion. "The petitions for a parliament," said Lord Halifax, who never hesitated between his friend and a joke, "spit in the king's face, but these spit in his mouth." Among these, the addresses from the two universities were particularly distinguished by the virulence with which they condemned every principle on which a free government must necessarily depend for its existence; and, in that of Oxford especially, the day of Lord Russel's execution was, in a manner, celebrated by committing to the flames, in the absence of the authors, certain pamphlets which presumed to advocate more liberal sentiments. But it was not long before both the corporations and universities met with their reward.The punishment of the latter, indeed, was deferred till the succeeding reign; but the former were almost instantly called upon to make good their assurances, and prove, by the voluntary surrender of their charters, that they did, indeed, believe his Majesty to be the "breath of their nostrils," and him of whom they held rights, property, and all. They had made an idol of their monarch; and he, instead of justifying their devotion, like most other idols, exacted, from his worshippers, offerings, which they were loth to pay, and yet durst not refuse. "A happiness, indeed, it was," exclaims Sir John Reresby, in a tone, which, if not meant to be ironical, might easily be mistaken for such-" a happiness, indeed, it was for his people to live under so good and so gracious a prince! And now we begin to have a prospect of halcyon days again."What sort of days these were, we shall presently see.

The city of London, as in all time, both before and since, leading the way in every opposition to the court, and the first to remonstrate against every abuse of power, was the most obnoxious of all the corporations, and, therefore, the first marked out for vengeance. When, by the aid of his law officers, with

Lord Chief Justice North at their head, his Majesty had succeeded in storming this strongest hold of the independent party, and despoiled it of its charter, almost every other corporation in the kingdom, at the sound of the talismanic words quo warranto, was obliged, as our author says, "to truckle" to the crown, and make voluntary surrender. One instance, among many, deserves our particular attention, both from the share which Sir John seems to have had in the aggression, and as it shews on what grounds, and from what motives, his Majesty was induced to make it. The city of York, of which Sir John Reresby, through the interest of Lord Halifax, had obtained the government, had, it seems, (but he shall tell his own story)

"been more noted than most places in England, for the height and virulence of faction; but, after I had been there some time, finding some of the leaders willing to abate of their warmth, I engaged myself in some private discourse with Mr. Alderman Ramsden, one of the most extraordinary of the whole fraternity, and so well explained to him the danger they were in, if they did not shew some speedy signs of remorse and repentance for their former behaviour, that he confessed himself sensible of errors committed upon several occasions, (viz.) in that they had so often persisted in their choice of such members as they knew to be quite ungrateful to the king; in that they had so unhandsomely received the Duke of York, when he passed through their city, in his way to Holland; and in that they had petitioned for a parliament, but never addressed or abhorred; but that, after all, he was afraid their offences were too enormous to be pardoned, upon a consideration less than the surrender of their charter, which they did not know how to think of. I then asked him what he thought the city might be persuaded to do, by way of some atonement? To which he answered, they might be brought to do three things, if they might be accepted. First, to lay aside Alderman Thompson, a parish antimonarchial fellow, to whom it fell of course to be lord mayor the next year; secondly, to chuse a new high steward, and to offer the honour to his Royal Highness, in lieu of the Duke of Buckingham, whom they would put out, or, in case his Highness should refuse it, to his Lordship of Halifax; and thirdly, to elect better members for that city, when occasion should offer. These three things, he said, were feasible, might they be thought sufficient."

We think it was not without good reason that Sir John denominated Mr. Ramsden an extraordinary man: for a provincial alderman, he appears to have understood sufficiently well the way of courts, and the temper of princes. Lord Halifax, however, was too prudent to venture the king's letter to the corporation, upon the strength of these proposals; particularly, as the impending decision against the city of London charter, would leave that of York, as well as of every other

town in the kingdom, at their mercy. As to their chusing his Highness to be their steward," he judged it improper and unfit, upon many accounts;" but as to their chusing himself, he was very willing they should do it, " provided it did not seem to be his own request." But the corporation, like experienced courtiers, judged it more advisable to send the patent of the office, in a gold box, to the little Duke of Richmond, the king's son by Lady Portsmouth; for which compliment, they received her Grace's thanks in a letter, "wherein she said the king was very well pleased that the second city in England had had that regard for her son." But not so did the storm blow over the second city, after all: "the king had conceived fresh displeasure against it, and coming one evening from the Duchess of Portsmouth's, he said to Sir John, leaning upon his arm, he was afraid that the lord mayor was but a bad man; and asked him, if “he knew sufficient matter for bringing a Quo Warranto against their charter." Sir John replied he did not, but would endeavour to inform himself thereof: to which his Majesty rejoined, " I only recommend it to you." Soon after, in consequence, the action was brought-and the charter surrendered at discretion. And what, think you, was the cause of this his Majesty's displeasure? Not their electing opposition members-not their unhandsome reception of his Highness —not their petitioning for a parliament, and never abhorring: No-all this was venial, and might have been pardoned. The unpardonable offence was this:-" The lord mayor, it seems, had refused to let a mountebank erect his stage in that city, though he was furnished with the king's recommendation, which the man complaining of, his Majesty thought himself thereby slighted or injured!”

Pudet hæc opprobria, vobis

Et dici potuisse, et non potuisse refelli.

Meantime, whilst Charles was thus instructing his people what degree of trust was to be reposed in the plighted word of a king," that in all affairs relating to himself, the laws should have their regular course," by making them the instruments of ruining every man, and every set of men, who had ever happened to give him the least offence,-people began anxiously to inquire of one another whether a parliament was ever to be called again. "This was the great point in expectation," says Sir John, "all over the country, and, indeed, throughout Christendom, which looked to it as the only chance left of preserving Flanders from the yoke of France; but I learnt, (he adds) from a great man, that we were in no way of having one, his Majesty being bent upon ruling his kingdom in another manner." Even Lord Halifax, who was the only one of Charles's minis

ters who really desired to see a parliament, "was, notwithstanding, quite willing," to use his own words, rather than relinquish his Majesty's service, "to invent excuses for him, and make the people easy." That nobleman was supposed to stand on higher and firmer ground with the country than any of the other ministers; and, therefore, being better able to stand the shock of a parliament, was the more willing that one should be summoned: "but, alas !" sorrowfully exclaims Sir John," parliaments seemed to be no longer thought of, and to be quite out of doors." His regret appears to have been partly patriotic, for he, doubtless, loved his country, according to his own ideas of what was patriotism; and partly interested, for the court, being no longer in fear of a House of Commons, had no longer the same necessity for cultivating the good-will of men like himself. So that it is not merely to the " generous ambition" of high political characters that a free and popular government appeals for support, but we see that it affects even the private interests, consideration, and respectability of simple and undistinguished individuals.

Nor was Sir John Reresby the only gentleman in the country who was uneasy under the loss of that influence he was wont to exercise, and that voice he had formerly held in the counsels of the nation. Previous to the calling of the Oxford parliament, when very general alarm was entertained that the king never meant to summon another, and men yet dared to exercise their right, petitions were sent in from all quarters. To that of the city of London, praying that his Majesty would be pleased to call a parliament, he merely answered, "it was none of their business." Again, when the gentlemen of Wiltshire, headed by Mr. Thynn, the richest commoner in the kingdom, and the " wealthy western friend" of Monmouth, presented a petition, praying that parliament might sit for the redress of grievances, no otherwise to be redressed, his Majesty was pleased to ask them, "Whether they had their directions from the grand jury?" Mr. Thynn answered, No. The king presently replied, "Why say you, then, that you come from the county? You come from a company of loose, disaffected people. What do you take me to be? and what do you take yourselves to be? I admire that gentlemen of your estates should animate people to mutiny and rebellion. You would not take it well I should meddle with your affairs; I desire you would not meddle with mine." To the gentlemen of Essex, he said, "he was extremely surprised to see them meddle with matters that concerned none but himself;" adding, "that he was unwilling to call to mind things past; yet, that he could not but remember the act of oblivion, though not as some did that those who stood in need of that act, would do

well not to take such courses as might need another; and that he very well remembered forty;" and so turned away. As for the Berkshire gentlemen, and their petition, which was presented the same day, he answered in another vein, drolling on them, "that they would agree that matter over a cup of ale, when they met at Windsor; though he wondered that his neighbours would not let him alone, but must be meddling with his business." Nor were these rude and threatening replies the mere effusions of resentment-forgotten as soon as uttered; on the contrary, they were publicly inserted in The Gazette, that the whole nation might be aware of their import.

However, in defiance of what the court lawyers had asserted in the proclamations, and Charles himself uttered in discourse, we find it resolved by an unanimous vote of that House of Commons,

"That it is, and ever hath been, the undoubted right of the subjects of England to petition the king for the calling and sitting of parliaments, and redressing of grievances. That to traduce such petitioning, is a violation of duty; and to represent it to his Majesty as tumultuous and seditious, (this was called "abhorring") is to betray the liberty of the subject; and contributes to the design of subverting the ancient legal constitution of this kingdom, and introducing arbitrary power."

After the dissolution of this parliament,-when the king, in consequence of his final triumph, had got the reins of the law into his own hands,--men chose to let their " undoubted rights" lie dormant awhile, rather than risk the danger of incurring such heavy penalties, as the courts of law were now in the habit of dealing out against all acts, however legal, which they were pleased to construe into a breach of his Majesty's peace. Charles's present mode of thinking and speaking of parliaments presents a strange contrast to the fond expressions which he was in the habit of using, whilst the union betwixt him and his parliament was yet in the honey-moon. "When God brought me hither," said he, at the close of the first session of his reign, "I brought with me an extraordinary affection and esteem for parliaments:" Again, "I deal truly with you.--I shall not propose any other rule to myself, in my actions and counsels, than this: what is a parliament like to think of this action, and this counsel?" And again, when he reminded his second and pensioned parliament, that they had neglected to repeal the triennial bill, "I admire," said he, "that you have not considered the wonderful clauses in that bill. I pray, Mr. Speaker, and you, gentlemen of the House of Commons, give that triennial bill once a reading in your house; and then, in God's name, do what you think fit for me,