matic mirror, how far they have pursued the same track which has hitherto shed so much lustre, in the eyes of foreign nations, on the national character, and views of Americans. Seeking nothing [in the language of a sound Republican maxim embodied in a message to Congress] that is not right, and determined to submit to nothing that is wrong; but desiring honest friendship, and liberal intercourse, with all nations, the United States have gained, throughout the world, the confidence and respect, which are due to a policy liberal, just in itself, and congenial to the character of the American people, and to the spirit of their institutions,

was joined with your father and Doctor Franklin, to carry them into execution. But the stipulations making part of these instructions, which respected privateering, blockades, contraband, and freedom of the fisheries, were not original conceptions of mine. They had before been suggested by Doctor Franklin, in some of his papers in possession of the public, and had, I think, been recommended in some letter of his to Congress. I happen only to have been the inserter of them in the first public act which gave the formal sanction of a public authority. We accordingly proposed our treaties, containing these stipulations, to the principal governments of Europe. But we were then just emerged from a subordinate condition; the nations had as yet known nothing of us, and had not yet reflected on the relations which it might be their interest to establish with us. Most of them, therefore, listened to our propositions with coyness and reserve; old Frederick alone closing with us without hesitation. The negotiator of Portugal, indeed, signed a treaty with us, which his government did not ratify, and Tuscany was near a final agreement. Becoming sensible, however, ourselves, that we should do nothing with the greater powers, we thought it better not to hamper our country with engagements to those of less significance, and suffered our powers to expire without closing any other negociation. Austria soon after became desirous of a treaty with us, and her ambassador pressed it often on me; but our commerce with her being no object, I evaded her repeated invitations. Had these governments been then apprized of the station we should so soon occupy among nations, all, I believe, would have met us promptly and with frankness. These principles would then have been established with all, and from being the conventional law with us alone, would have slid into their engagements with one another, and become general.

From the nature of our communication with foreign governments, the frank and independent spirit which animates our free institutions, there cannot, properly speaking, be any written forms, for conducting our diplomatic intercourse, as may be the case among the ancient governments of Europe, and which the Manual of Martens has prescribed. But it must be apparent to every disciplined and enlightened negotiator, that many of his FORMS are only the rudiments of a subordinate school of Diplomacy, and ill adapted for public men of distinguished talents, of enlarged views, or long experience, who are not accustomed to bind themselves to very precise formalities in grave matters of official intercourse with the government near which they are accredited. Hence, it is probable, that the success of Negotiators, in the present age, may have arisen, not only from sounder views of national policy, and a due share of learning and sagacity, but from a more free PRACTICE and constant exercise in a course of Diplomatic Writing: -regarding forms, for the most part, as vague and uncertain guides; and, of course, where points of public law and national policy are to be discussed, of little use. It has been, however, remarked, that for the discharge of official duties, so exalted, and, at the same time, so diversified, no rules of instruction can be established, or particular study pointed out.

“Humani nihil a me alienum puto,"

must be an appropriate motto, for every negotiator. On an attentive examination of our Diplomatic Correspondence, the intelligent reader cannot fail to observe, in a remarkable degree that, with a cautious and subdued, but agreeable style, the main points, to be enforced, or guarded, in penning their official com

munications, are generally kept uppermost-which, certainly, constitutes a real excellence in the art of Diplomatic Writing.

The official papers embraced within the scope of this division of the work are multifarious and extensive; and hence the difficulty of bringing the selection within any reasonable compass. But enough it is believed has been embodied, not only to aid the Diplomatist in his labours, but to throw considerable light on the course of our negotiations; disclosing in most instances the hinge, or turning point, on which the success of the mission or the business in treaty, has depended.

In these specimens of diplomatic writing, leading topics only are chosen; as for instance our early negotiations at the court of Versailles, which gave birth to the two important treaties of 1778, followed by interesting negotiations at other European courts, in an acknowledgment of independence—the first treaties concluded with Holland, with Sweden, and with Prussia-the Peace of 1783-Ceremony on the Reception of Foreign Ministers, by the Revolutionary Congress-Audiences of Leave, &c. -Proclamation of Neutrality, in 1793-Abortive Negotiations, with the French Directory-Purchase of Louisiana-most of the Questions that grew out of the depredations on Neutrals— the Right of Search-Blockades-Neutral Rights-Contraband -Orders in Council-French Decrees-War of 1812-Fisheries-Colonial Trade-Slave Trade-The Floridas-Boundaries -Impressment-Claims on Sweden, Denmark, France, Naples -South American Affairs-Miscellaneous Minor Questions, respecting Hayti, Sandwich Islands, Liberia, China, &c.

The body of matter, which is herewith presented, forms a brief Outline of our Diplomatic Annals, and is the result of an examination of several hundred volumes, on subjects within the scope and plan of this work-The work will be found,

it is hoped, valuable and important, as an epitome of the principles which have governed the United States, in their negotiations with Foreign Powers, in Peace and in War, on the Great Questions of Diplomatic and International Law.

The General Index will, of course, be found useful. It furnishes the titles of all the treaties, conventions, &c., with their dates and ratifications; and, generally, the fact of their being in force, obsolete, or annulled. This Index, with a DIGEST of the articles of each instrument, will afford at a glance a synopsis of every stipulation in regular succession.

The main design of these volumes is that of the Editor, left principally to himself, to decide on the choice of appropriate materials, touching subjects, if not among the most difficult, certainly rank among the most important, profound, and exalted in the whole range of human jurisprudence. The Editor, however, aware that if there be any merit in his compilation, it must mainly depend on the faithfulness, with which he has copied the public instruments, it contains, as well on the correctness of the authorities, cited on the Law of Nations, and the accuracy of the Notes he has appended to various parts of his work. An examination of the "list of Books referred to " at the close of the Prefatory matter may enable the reader to form some idea of the extent of research, and investigation, he has made, in the prosecution of his undertaking.*

*Note. The collections of treaties in Europe, already prepared and printed, are exceedingly numerous and voluminous. An intelligent British writer on the subject, states that an entire collection of general treaties, must consist of the following books; 1st. Leibnitz's Codex, in 1693, 2dly, The Corps Diplomatique, with its Supplement, in 1739; consisting of twenty volumes in folio, to which is annexed a copious index of matters; 3dly, St. Priest's Histoire de Traites de Paix du xvii. Siecle, depuis la Paix de Vervins jusqu'a celle de Nimegue, 1725, 2 vol. in folio; and 4thly, of

The compiler is, in part, indebted for the completion of the plan of his undertaking (and for which his best thanks are due)

the Negociations Secretes, touchant la Paix de Munster et d'Osnaburg, 1725, 4 vol. in folio. These ample collections begin with the establishment of the † Amphictyons; 1496 years before the birth of Christ, and end with the pacification of Geneva in 1738:

†This celebrated assembly received its name, as well as institutions, from Amphictyon, an Athenian King; who, observing that the separate interests and dissensions which prevailed among the Grecian republics, exposed them to the invasions of their more powerful neighbours, wisely exhorted them to unite, by deputies, in one common body, which might in times of danger, concert the best measures for their mutual safety, and prevent by its salutary influence, the ill effects of private animosities and disjointed counsels. As he was a pious as well as political Prince, he put the temple of Delphi, and the sacred Territory, under the care and protection of the Amphictyonic tribunal, wisely thinking, that the public defence and public religion should be matters of a general concern to the Grecians, however divided on subjects of less importance. Acrisius who reigned several years after at Argos, is reported to have increased the privileges, and regulated the laws, of the Amphictyons: and is for that reason esteemed by some a second founder.

The assembly met in the spring and autumn of every year, either at Delphi or Thermopyla and every city amongst the people who composed it, chose two members, the one called the Hieromnemon, and the other the Pylagoras to represent it. The former was elected by lot, and had the honor to be president of the council in his turn, to gather the voices, pronounce the decree, and administer at the sacrifices, which were made either in the name of all the Greeks, or the particular city by which he was deputed. The latter was chosen by vote,and was properly the orator of the deputation; he delivered the opinion of his state, defended it against any accusation, and took care of its interest upon all occasions. As soon as these deputies arrived at the place where the Amphictyons were convened, they offered up a sacrifice to the tutelar deity, at Delphi to Apollo, at Thermopyla to Ceres. Then they repaired to the assembly; but before they were admitted to take their seats, the following oath was tendered to them, which being the most ancient treaty, or agreement, on record, that is to be met with in the annals of time, we shall here insert

[ORIGINAL.]

Μηδεμίαν πόλιν τῶν ̓Αμφικτυονίδων ἀνάστατον ποιησειν, μήδ' ὑδάτων, ναματιαίων ἔιρξειν, μήτ' ἐν πολέμῳ, μήτ' ἐν εἰρήνῃ· ἐὰν δέ τις ταῦτα παραθή, στρατεύσειν ἐπὶ σῶσον, καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἀναστήσειν· καὶ ἐάν τις ἢ συλῷ τὰ τῇ Θεῖ, ἡ συνίδῃ τι ἢ βελεύσῃ τι κατὰ τῶν ἐν τῷ Ἱερῷ, τιμωρήσειν καὶ ποδι και χειρί, κα φωνῇ, καὶ πάσῃ δυνάμει Ει τις τάδε παραβαίνοι, ἤ πόλις, ἡ ἰδίωσης, ἤ ἔθν@, ἐναγὴς ἔστω τῇ ̓Απόλλων@, καὶ τῆς ̓Αρτέμιδῷ, καὶ Λητᾶς, καὶ ̓Αθηνᾶς Προναίας· καὶ μηδὲ γῆν καρπὸς φέρειν, μήτε γυναῖκας τέκνα τίκτειν γονεῦσιν ἐοικότα, ἀλλὰ τέρατα, μηδὲ βοσκήματα κατά φύσιν γονὰς ποιεῖσθαι· ἧτταν δὲ αὐτῶις εἶναι πολέμε, καὶ δικῶν, καὶ ἀγορᾶν· καὶ ἐξώλεις εἶναι καὶ αὐτὸς, καὶ οἰκίας, καὶ γένΘ τὸ ἐκείνων· καὶ μήποτε ὁσίως θύσαιεν τῷ ̓Απόλλωνι, μηδὲ τῇ ̓Αρτέμιδι, μηδὲ τῇ Λητοι, μήδ' 'Αθηνᾷ Προναία, μηδὲ δέξαιτο αὐτοῖς τὰ ἱερά.

[TRANSLATION.]

"Never to destroy an Amphictyonic city, nor to obstruct their running waters in peace or war; and if any one transgress, in this respect, to make war upon him and destroy his cities. And if any one should pillage the property of the god, or be an