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ANTONELLI.

In our sceptical country we enter the seminary in the hope of being ordained a priest: Antonelli never expected such a thing. The fact being, that in the capital of the Roman Church, the Levites who show any intelligence become magistrates, prefects, counsellors of state, ministers. The clergymen are generally made out of the shrivelled fruit. Antonelli distinguished himself so much that he escaped, God helping him, the ordination to the priesthood. He has never said a mass; he never confessed any body; I would not swear that he has ever confessed himself. He obtained the friendship of Gregory XVI., a more useful commodity than all the Christian virtues put together. He became prelate, magistrate, prefect, Secretary of the Home Department, and minister of finance. Will any body deny that he chose the right road? Å minister of finance, however little he may understand his business, can save more money in

six months than all the brigands of Sonnino in twenty years.

The great difficulty of the coming settlement of Italy, when the war shall have been triumphantly closed by the Allies, will be the Roman States. Nothing will meet the necessities of the case but the separation of the spiritual from the temporal power. The Pope, of course, and the Universal Priesthood will resist this furiously and to the uttermost, but if the time be come, men will be found of a will so resolute, and of a purpose so fixed, as to set at nought their clamour, and deride their menaces. Prophecy demands this as the first step to the final destruction of the "Man of Sin." A PROTESTANT.

Ecclesiastical Affairs.

HISTORY OF UNITARIANISM.

THE history of Unitarianism, the North British Review has well remarked, is instructive, whatever may be the merits of its creed. Under varicus names, it has appeared in the church at intervals since the days of Arius, in the third century; but it has never taken root. Often upon the eve of triumph its conquests have slipped away, and it has found itself desolate and unfriended. Arianism seemed ready to grasp the whole Eastern Church, when it suddenly collapsed and disappeared. It was the growth of a speculative age, weak in mental power, though keen in the prosecution of subtleties, and nice distinctions, so that it was trampled down and utterly extinguished under the rude heel of the Gothic invaders. The age of the schoolmen would seem to have been favourable to its re-appearance; but the dread of heresy, or rather of the horrible tortures for which the heretic must prepare himself, prevented its return. It broke out vigorously at the Reformation, when thought was suddenly disenthralled from the spell of ages, and neither the methods of a true philosophy, nor the laws of a just criticism, were yet understood. It found leaders of great ability in Lælius Socinus and his nephew Faustus, and in Servetus, the disciple of the former. Under these teachers or their disciples, Unitarianism established itself for a time in Poland, and some neighbouring

States. It even obtained a footing in the south of France, and had for a while a stronghold amongst the mountains of Switzerland,-where, indeed, it lingers still in the city and precincts of Geneva. It was introduced into England in the time of James I., but never throve. It established itself once more amongst the decaying embers of Puritanism, in the beginning of the last century; but could neither fan them into life, nor even derive from them sufficient warmth to preserve its own vitality. The Arian form under which it first appeared soon expired, and was succeeded, as the century closed, by a creed which it would be unjust to designate as Socinian, because it far outstripped, in the boldness of its dogmas, the doctrinal statements either of the elder or younger Socinus. Indeed, the creed of Priestley, the great leader of the party, was that of an Eclectic philosopher, not of a Christian student. Perhaps he accepted as religious truth nothing but what is contained in Scripture; but he maintained his right to sit in dispassionate judgment on the sacred volume, and to reject whatever he disliked. In the important state of orthodox religion, his party multiplied; and, secure in the possession of above a hundred endowments of the old Presbyterian chapels, Unitarianism still exists amongst us; it even boasts of intelligence, wealth,

a high tone of private morals, and great alacrity in works of social improvement and secular philanthropy. Still, it must be added, it has no pretensions as a Christian church: in the field of spiritual enterprise Unitarianism can boast no triumphs.

If we cross the Atlantic, the difference is not considerable. Boston, the city of the Puritans, is adorned with Unitarian churches, in which eloquent preachers address large and fashionable congregations; but the religion taught evidently reaches the understanding rather than the heart. It suits the prosperous, the wealthy, and the speculative; but it allures no poverty; it cheers no contrite heart; it satisfies no hungering and thirsting after righteousness.

Unitarians affirm, as well they may, that they have allies in the bosom of the Church of England; that there are men who eat our bread, share our honours, and even sign our articles, who preach and print the most offensive of Socinian doctrines, in language as strong, or stronger, than that which they themselves employ. We cannot say that they seem at all proud of their new associates. Whatever may be the faults of Unitarians, they are, at least, remarkable for their integrity; and in the very speeches in which they compliment the new comers on their wisdom, they challenge them to show their consistency by at once giving up their preferments, and honestly renouncing their former creed.

We have spoken of the Socinian creed, but we are not sure that the expression is correct. Unitarianism acknowledges no leader, and has no articles of faith. Each of its congregations is independent of the rest, not only in church government, but in the doctrines it embraces or rejects. The Racovian catechism of Faustus Socinus has been long since laid aside. In the early part of the sixteenth century, Unitarianism rallied under its symbolic shade, and thus union was for a time effected. But it suits the genius of the system better to fight apart. Discipline and the strength which discipline gives, is foreign to its nature. Each congregation, each pastor, each defender of the Socinian faith, must be dealt with singly; for no one acknowledges the defeat of another to be his own discomfiture. There is no system presenting a broad front to be attacked. It is a war with individual writers, a contest with

VOL. XVI.

a whole army of sharpshooters. Every man occupies his own ground; and, if vanquished, is left to cover his own retreat. A few general principles are all that are held in common; and these are rather negations of the orthodox creed, than positive dogmatic statements. Against such opponents the man should be well armed who solicits an encounter. He should have the command of various weapons, and they must be such as a Christian warrior ought to be well skilled to use—logic, and criticism, and philology, and sound learning; some acquaintance with ecclesiastical history, and a mind well trained, in metaphysical and mental philosophy; for on to this ground will the Unitarian always remove the battle, when driven from his last position on Scriptural criticism or theology, properly so called.

Who, indeed, can regard the Unitarians with other feelings than those of the deepest sorrow, mingled with such esteem as private purity, benevolence, and an ever-forward zeal in promoting the temporal welfare of society, are calculated to excite? Who would not wish that, in the place of their cold philosophy, they could be led to substitute the faith of Jesus Christ, and draw living water with joy from the wells of salvation? Nor are we without hope that a great change is near, and that these wanderers, finding no rest, may fly into the ark; that these weary sheep, after traversing so long a desert waste, may return to the Shepherd and Bishop of their souls. Certain it is, that Unitarianism wears a different character from that which it sustained in the days of Belsham and of Priestley. We dare not say that its tenets are less dangerous; but its features, viewed from without, are less repulsive. It is no longer hard, contemptuous scoffing; it begins to feel and to acknowledge its want of power, of spirituality, of warmth, and love. Sermons are occasionally preached in its chapels which give touching utterance to these wants; and, from time to time, converts of the highest classthose who have been most eminent, we mean, for zeal and earnestness-are won over by the cheering doctrines of the Cross.

Entirely separated from the historical church, Unitarianism stands isolated and alone. Its negations may secure adherents, and temporarily excite controversy, but it can never rear or

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nourish a church. Having no past, and wanting all definite positive basis, it cannot have a future; every new age will be a new phase in its development, wholly obliterating that which has preceded. Where men only unite in denying ecclesiastical co-operation, growth, or even cordiality, are impossible. Besides, what is there in cold, intellectual Unitarianism to meet the demands of the heart, the deep consciousness of sin, the longing for communion with God? Or what to satisfy "the poor and needy,' in those rationalistic trivialities with which it amuses the logical faculty?

Despite their numerical weakness, the Socinians of Great Britain (among them some able men) have, true to their traditions, displayed considerable literary activity in the diffusion of their opinions; promising students are liberally supported; and, besides a regular theological school, an institution at Manchester prepares labourers specially for home missionary work.

A calm review of Socinian theology will, we believe, convince the reader that it summed up and combined the various phases of the rationalistic movement preceding the Reformation. To forecast the future of the party, if such be vouchsafed to it, were not difficult. In the Biblical, or even logical sense of the term, Socinianism never formed, or could form, a church. It was a party or sect, which successive transformations are resolving into its constituent elements of negation,-a building constructed with untempered mortar, which is rapidly crumbling into its original and unshaken materials. The sect is

giving place to negative individualism. The possession of endowments, the salarying of preachers, the holding of annual meetings, the passing of resolutions, the delivery of speeches, nay, even the assembling in the common edifice, called the chapel, or meeting-house, constitutes not a church-not even a sect.

The former bond has proved a rope of sand; the last remainders of a Biblical basis and historical connection with the church universal have long been discarded; and Socinianism, Unitarianism, "Liberal Christianity," or whatever other name may be devised to hide its nakedness, passes away, not from the operation of external causes, but by a process of self-destruction, all the more rapid where, as in the United States, its course is not stayed or hindered by conventionalism and the traditions of the past. It has disowned History, and History has in turn disowned it. The ponderous folios, the learned quartos, and the numberless pamphlets written in its defence, and which embody the life-labours of the apostles of negative Protestantism, lie covered with the dust of ages, which not the most zealous anti-Trinitarian of these days would care to see brushed away.

Another turn in the stream of time, another chapter in its history; but amidst the disputations, the turmoils, the hopes, the disappointments, and the deceptions of the past, can those who are not deaf, or ashamed, or afraid, again hear a saying of many centuries: "But the word of the Lord endureth for ever."

Essays.

SLAVERY IN THE UNITED STATES.

Ar a time when slavery is extending every hour in the United States, and when the slave trade is in a fair way of being resumed, it behoves the teachers of mankind and the guides of opinion to ascend the watch tower and sound the trumpet. No time is to be lost, and they who embark in the holy war should spare no arrows. That judgment may act upon truth, we shall set forth a few facts.

PROGRESS AND CONDITION OF THE FREE STATES.

Connecticut contains 4,674 square miles,

and 370,792 inhabitants. Value of land, 30 dollars per acre. Farms in Connecticut contain 2,383,879 acres, and worth 72,726,422 dollars. Connecticut, in 1850, had 547 miles of railroad, and in 1855, 20,000,000 dols. in railroads. Shipping in Connecticut, 125,000 tons, with united sea board. Valuation in 1850 of property, real and personal, in Connecticut, 155,707,980 dols, owned by 37,000 persons, and 4,600 square miles. In 1850, Connecticut had (under 20 years old) 157,146 persons; of these 83,697 were at schools and colleges. She had over twenty years old, 213,662; of this

number there were only 5,306 who could not read and write, and of these 4,013 are foreigners. Thus, out of 213,662, 208,356 can read and write.

Michigan was admitted into the Union in 1837. In 1856, she had 397,654, all free persons, and 1,929,110 acres of improved land, valued at 51,872,446 dols. land valued at 11.80 dollars per acre. In 1855 she had 699 miles of railroad, costing 19,000,000 dollars. Value of real and personal property, 59,787,255 dollars. Under twenty years, 211,969 persons, of whom 112,332 were at schools, academies, or colleges. In 1855, Michigan had 132,234 scholars in her common schools. Out of 184,240 over twenty years, 8,281 only could not read or write. Of these, 3,009 were ignorant foreigners. She has 107,943 volumes in public libraries, besides private libraries.

PROGRESS AND CONDITION OF THE

SLAVE STATES.

South Carolina contains 29,358 square miles, and 668,507 inhabitants; 283,523 were free, and 384,984 slaves. Value of land, 5.08 dollars per acre; acres in farms, 16,217,700, valued at 82,431,684 dollars; 340 miles of railroad, and 11,500,000 dollars invested therein; shipping, 36,000 tons; valuation of real and in personal property 1850, 288,257,094 dollars, including value of the slaves, who, at 400 dollars each, amounts to 153,993,600 dollars, leaving only 124,264,094 dollars of property other than slaves. Thus, 670,000, with 30,000 square miles of land, have 124,000,000 dollars. Under 20 years old, 365,026; whole number of schools, academies, and colleges, 40,373, out of 149,322 white children, or those under twenty years old. Over twenty years old, 129,350 free persons, of which 16,564 are unable to read the word heaven; and of these 104 were born out of the state.

Arkansas was admitted into the Union in 1836. In 1856, 209,807, of whom 151,746 were free, and 58,161 slaves. Land valued at 5.88 dollars per acre. Improved land, 781,531 acres, valued at 15,265,248 dollars. Arkansas has not one cent paid for railroads. Total valuation of real and personal property, 39,871,025 dollars, including value of slaves, 23,264,400 dollars, leaving only 16,576,625 dollars as the entire worth of Arkansas, against 59,787,255 dollars in Under twenty years old, Michigan. 115,023, of which 11,050 were in

schools, academies, or colleges; of these 115,023, 97,402 were white and free. Over twenty years old, 64,787 whites, and 16,985 of these were unable to read and write, 37 of which only were born out of the state. Thus the free state of Michigan had 175,959 who could read and write, while the slave state of Arkansas had only 47,852. Arkansas had 420 volumes, while Michigan had 107,943 volumes, besides private libraries.

Wherever the free and the slave states are placed in juxtaposition, there the slave state suffers in comparison. Take Virginia and Pennsylvania, Missouri and Illinois or Iowa, Ohio and Kentucky, &c. Chief Justice Marshall once said that the constitution was wide and broad enough for any thing and every thing. Under this opinion, cannot such a public nuisance as slavery, which is death to education, agriculture, and general improvement, be proved unconstitutional, and at once annihilated?

With figures like these, how is it possible that the slaveholders themselves do not at once emancipate, and thereby promote their own comfort and interest?

THE PROSPECTS OF SLAVERY.

We will now exhibit the results of the census returns of the United States from 1800 to 1850, which form conclusive evidence of the relative growth of different sections of the Union:

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The slave population, at the same ratio of increase as heretofore, will then amount to 11,875,052, making a grand total of 98,595,512 inhabitants.

These mere figures dazzle the mind, while the facts they embody startle and dismay. The TRANSATLANTIC REPUBLIC will then be the most powerful community this earth ever bore. The kingdoms and empires of Europe will dwindle into insignificance before it. The period which is to realize the tremendous fact is not distant. Fifty brief years gone, and there it is! The very thought, in one view, is glorious; in another, terrible! Who can bear to think of 12,000,000 OF MEN IN CHAINS?

Correspondence.

THE CHINESE EMPIRE.

Ir is of the utmost importance to keep the subject of China continually before the eye of the Christian church. It is still but very imperfectly understood, and but slightly felt. It is from its very magnitude, in a measure, incomprehensible; and it is only by incessant reading and inquiry that the slightest progress can be made. The causes which, in former years, operated to shut out China from the knowledge and sympathy of the Christian world are rapidly losing their potency, and current events are bringing this mighty empire within the circle of international comities and treaty stipulations. Distance, which once placed China beyond the reach of Christendom, is now almost annihilated by the combined agencies of steam and electricity; reliable information concerning the Chinese, so long desiderated, is now largely supplied by competent authors. Already there appear cheering indications of the harvest the Gospel is destined to reap in China, and henceforth the home evangelism of our churches should accelerate rather than retard our efforts for the Chinese. The present time seems eminently appropriate for the discussion of this subject. A religious revival of marvellous power

has recently stirred all classes of society in the United States; and now the selfsame energy is visible in the North of Ireland; while, by the provisions of the treaties just made at Tientsin by the Chinese government with Western Powers, God has opened up the entire Chinese empire to Christianity.

The exclusive policy of China, which so long has prevented foreign intercourse with her people, is now laid aside, and the imperial decree has gone forth declaring that henceforth and for ever Christianity may be practised and propagated throughout the empire. This imperial decree cancels all former edicts against Christianity, forbids the persecution of Chinese converts to Christianity for their faith; and, as if to put the crowning glory on the system it had so wantonly contemned and outraged, the same high authority asserts that Christianity is good, teaching men to do to others as they would have others do to them, and that its tendency is to lead men to virtue. These provisions and declarations are incorporated in each of the four treaties lately concluded by China with England, France, Russia, and the United States; and the public policy of the Chinese government, sub

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