time varied from the confirmed fentiments of the other. Every order of fubjects has, in the bofom of the legislature, its moft considerable members who efpoufe its caufe, fympathize in its feelings, and fpeak its opinions. This is what I call a true reprefentation of the people, and not any of thofe fanciful schemes, which, through the medium of a pretended popular election, would throw the whole power into the hands of one fet of men; perhaps the most shining, certainly the least ufeful, of the various claffes into which a great community is divided.” P. 10.

The next paffage of this interefting pamphlet which we shall felect, is one which, in our opinion, does no lefs honour to the author's magnanimity, than to his understanding and his eloquence.

"At the origin of the French revolution, I acknowledge with fhame and confufion, that I was rafh, ought I to fay impudent enough, toppofe my fhallow judgment to the opinions of that great man, who took fuch a large and comprehenfive view of human affairs; whofe whole life was dedicated to the fupport of genuin liberty, which he best knew how to diftingufh from defpotifm affuming the name; fought in her facred caufe against the oppreffors of their species, whe ther invefted with viceregal government in India, or poffeffing fupreme power in Europe; who pointed out, with prophetic wildom, the crimes which now defolate the civilized world in their feeds and firft caufes; whofe eloquent indignation will for ever vindicate the majesty of justice, against the chance of arms, and condemn the authors of the French revolution to the everlasting abhorrence of mankind, notwithftanding the dazzling fucceffes of its fanatic armies. The only atonement I can make for my prefumption is, to confess it, and to offer this flender tribute at the fhrine which wifdom and virtue are preparing for their votary."-" I make no fuch apology (i. e. an apology founded on the change of circumstances) I frankly confefs my error, I admired the year 1789, what I now think fo far from admirable, that it was deteftable." P. 34.

If the example of this honeft and magnanimous confeffion were generally followed by all thofe who have been as much difabufed by experience as Mr. Moore, we are thoroughly convinced that the people of England would be found to approach much more nearly to unanimity, than they appear to do at prefent. It is impoffible to offer fo grofs an infult to the understanding of the greater part of the partizans of the French revolution, as to believe that they fill continue fincere. Many of them are men of fenfe; fome are men of great abilities. It is impoflible for fuch men to believe, against the tellimony of the Revolutionifs themfelves, that the French revolution has been a fyftem of liberty. It is impoffible for them to believe, against the evidence of common sense, that it is likely to become a fyftem of liberty. Candour obliges us to think that they

they are restrained by vanity, by obftinacy, by falfe fhame, and perverted honour, from making an ingenuous confettion of their error. Thefe are indeed great weakuelles; but in the year 1709, to think otherwife of the French revolution than as a fystem of tyranny and robbery, would be ftupidity and foll; and for those who eltimate it justly, to defire its prefervaton, and its ex enfion to other countries, would be a degree of incorrigible depravity, for which no human language. has n adequate name.

Th example of a man of genius and literature, like Mr. Moore, refpectable in his character and fituation, and above the fufpicion of interefted motives, will, we truft, encourage others to throw off retraints, that give them the appearance of fupporting principles which they inwardly deteft. All candid men will excufe errors which were fo natural and general, and they will applaud retractations which fhow true greatnefs of mind.

Our limits will not permit us to make a larger criticism on this pamphlet. I contains many excellent obfervations on the Union, and many poignant animadverfions on the principles and policy of France. In his remarks on the Orange Affociations, Mr. Moore is perhaps influenced by his feelings as a Catholic; but his own prejudices and refentments, as well as thofe of his antagonists, concur in proving the main propofition of his pamphlet that there is no hope of an impartial government for Ireland without an Union.

ART. X. Iter Britanniarum; or, that Part of the Itinerary of Antoninus which relates to Britain; with a new Comment.. By the Rev. Thomas Reynolds, A. M. Rector of Bowden Parva, Northamptonshire. 4to. 489 pp. 18s. Cadell and Davies. 1799.

THIS is a new attempt at a work, which has been repeatedly undertaken before, and executed in general with fatistaction to the public. Mr. Reynolds, however, attempts it upon a new plan. But, before we come to this, let us fee the age affigned by him for the Itinerary itfelf, as much depends upon

this.

"It has been already rendered very probable," he tells us, "" that this work was written in the time of Hadrian, and by one of his travelling attendants. It is an abfolute certainty, that Antoninus lived

5

in the reign of that Emperor, because he was his adopted fon and fuc. ceffor in the empire. And as he is, by his adoption, proved to have been one of his molt intimate friends, fo we may suppose he would not he often abfent from his locomotive court. Nor is there any thing related of this illuftrious Roman, which renders the fuppofition of his being the author of fuch a work either improbable or impoffible. To be an author was not effeemed a degradation of the high rank of an emperor of the Roman world. A work of his immediate fucceffor, Marcus Aurelius's Meditations, has reached our times, as well as the Itinerary. But Antoninus was nothing more than a Roman fenator* till fifty years of age, nor had he any reafon to expect to be honoured with the imperial throne, till the space of little more than one yeart of the death of his predeceffor. In his private station, therefore, he had full time enough for the conftruction of this work, which might form a very agreeable amufement of his leisure hours, while at rending the peregrinations of his royal mafter. This was an opportunity alfo uncommonly favourable for collecting materials for a work of this kind. It is not indeed any where pofitively recorded, that Antominus did attend Hadrian in his travels, but it is a natural inference from his being one of the emperor's particular friends. And though he might not be always with the imperial traveller, yet when he had once formed a defign of fuch a work, it would be an easy matter for him to employ fome other attendant to collect information for him during his abfence. But it may be objected, that if Antoninus Pius was the author of the Itinerary, he furely would have added some towns to it, when, after the death of Hadrian, Lollius Urbicus had built the new wall in Scotland, and his other fieutenants had recovered Dacia, and the other countries beyond the Euphrates. The answer is, that it is not abfurd to fuppofe, that he had fully completed his defign in the life-time of Hadrian, before thofe changes had taken place, and that the progrefs of the work ceased with the fingular cause which had given rife to it."

We shall foon affign a better reason før Mr. Reynolds.

From thefe premifes then I conclude, that it is in a very high de gree probable, that Antoninus Pius was the author of the old Itinerary, which we now have called Antonines, and that there is no evidence fo unexe ptionable, by which it can be attributed to any other perfon." Introd. p. 30.

Thefe probabilities, urged as they are in an indifferent style, and with a weak manner, even vitiated by a falfe affumption that pervades the whole work, and will immediately provoke our animadverfions, we think to be as just as they are new, coinciding clofely with the very title of the work in the ancient manufcripts.

Having feen Mr. Reynolds ftate the fuppofed age of the Itinerary, let us now proceed to his mode of commenting upoa it, and the new principle by which he directs his movements.

"Univerfal Hiftory. Antoninus.

+ Id. Hadrian."
"The

The object and defign of the prefent undertaking," he tells us, **is to extract from as many of thefe authors of all the three kinds," writers upon the whole or on parts of the Itinerary," as could be obtained and confulted, a view of the Itinerary regular, and confiftent in all its parts. And this could only be expect d by proceeding on fome uniform principle, or rule of interpretation, The principle here adopted, is that which the work itfelf prefents, and invites the ute of; and this is an exact and particular attention to the diftances of the towns, according to the numbers laid down for the defignation of them. This is the only peculiarity the prefent comment pretends to beyond thofe which have gone before it, and this point has been ftrictly attended to through the whole of it. In all former writers on this work, it has been thought enough to fay, in loofe and general terms, that the diftances agree with the numbers. But, in the prefent cafe, the dif tances are never faid to agree with the numbers, without producing the beft evidence that can be obtained of the truth of the affertion This is the difcriminative character, which is efpecially relied upon to recommend the following pages to the notice of th fe who are converfant in these studies. And from this method, it is hoped, the value of the original work will be established on a firm foundation, and that it will appear, that however greatly it may have fuffered from time and tranfcribers, yet fo much of it remains perfect, or within the power of fair and natural correction, as to afford a moft curious and valuable defcription of the ftate of our island, at the time it was under the Roman government, and when that people were in full poffeffion of all parts of it, fouth of the wall built by Hadrian." Pref. xvi.

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On this principle, Mr. Reynolds commences his career, after a Preface of 24 pages, and an Introduction of 134, with the First Iter in Antoninus. But his critical idea of the nearly "perfect" ftate of the Itinerary in general, and his hiftorical notion of the Romans being then "in poffeffion of" only the

fouth of the wall built by Hadrian;" a notion and an idea, taken up against authority, and againt evidence, have led him moft wildly attray in the very firft Iter.

That the country between the walls of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, all the region from Carlifle to Stirling, or from the Tyne to the Clyde, denominated Valentia by the Romans, was not given up, or meant to be given up, by Hadrian, when he built his wall, is demonftrable from feveral points. We shall notice them at fome length, in order to expofe an affertion, fo contrary to fact, yet made the very bafis of that Introduction, and this Itinerary. At RIECHESTER, in Northumberland, fome miles to the north of Hadrian's wall, has been found this infcription on a ftone, that was a part affuredly of a temple there: "Deo invicto Soli focio facrum pro falute et incolumitate Imp. Gues. M. Aureli Antonini Pii Felicis dugufti*." The

Horfley's Northumberland, xciv,

X x

ERIT. CRIT. VOL. XIV. DEC. 1799,

temple

temple was therefore erected" a folo extructum," in the reign of one of the Antonines, and (as has been fuppofed) by either Commodus or Caracallat, when the Romans were "in full poteffion of parts north of the wall built by Hadrian,” and in fuch fecure poffeffion as to be building a temple at Riechefter, in those parts. Riechefter, Mr. Horfley obferves (p. 241) is "the next fort on Watling-street," as he comes from “the famous ftation at RISINGHAM, which is the first that appears this way," (p. 234) but equally fome miles on the north of Hadrian's wall. There an altar has been found, infcribed for the fafety Aurelii Antonini Pii Augufti ;" another of the Antonines, and molt probably M. Aurelius Antoninus the philofopher (p. 237). Several of the coins found lately at this ftation" of Riechefter, "were of Marcus Aurelius, one of which I had myself. This confirms to us, that the Romans were, about that time, poffeffed of this and the neighbouring tations; and makes it more probable, that the Antonine mentioned above in an infcription at Rifingham, might be Marcus Aurelius." (p. 244) Thefe fufficiently prove against Mr. Reynolds, that this region to the north of the wall was not given up to the Britons in the reign of Hadrian, and that his immediate fucceflors, the Antonines, ftill maintained garrifons within it. What then can be faid for the writer, who, with these evidences all before his eye, could prefume to contradict, yet not venture to difcufs them? Nothing can be faid, but that, enslaved to an hypothefis, he put a bandage over his own eyes. We are forry to say this of an author, new, we believe, to the literary world, and a man in general of fobernels and candour. Yet it is too apparent, we think, from what we have alledged. But it will be more fo, we apprehend, from what we fhall now add, out of a work which appears no lefs familiar to him than Horfley's, yet the arguments of which he équally chofe to contradict, though he equally could not venture to difcufs them.

"As the Romans carried their arms into the mediterranean parts of the island," Mr. Whitaker fays, in his juvenile work, the Hiftory of Manchester," they fecured their conquefts by a range of forts upon their northern borders, to cut off the communication betwixt the conquered and unconquered Britons, and prevent any invafion of the country by the lat er. Thus Oftorius, as Tacitus informs us, carried a regular chain of camps along the Severn and the Upper Avon, the Avon of Gloucefterfhire, Warwickshire, and Northamptonshire, and the genuine and long-loft Antona of that hiftorian; and after

As appears in the clofe of the fame inscription. + Horley's Northumberland, pp. 241, 242.

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wards