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yices, knowing his worth, I claffed him with the moft faith, ful of my associates, and respected and valued his fidelity and attachment. That soldier who forgot his duty and his honour, and in the hour of action deserting his master, joined the standard of his adversary, I considered as the most detestable of men. In the war with Touktumish Khaun, his superior officers, forgetful of their duty to him who was their legal master and my confirmed foe, fent proposals and made applications unto me. I held their treachery in abhorrence; be, cause, unmindful of that which they owed to the hand that fed them, they had thrown aside their honour and their duty, and offered their services to the enemy of their prince. Thus I reHected with myself, "What fidelity have they observed to their liege Lord? What fidelity will they shew unto me?

By experience it was known unto me, that from every empire, which is not established in morality and religion, por ftrengthened by regulations and laws, all order, grandeur, and power thall pass away. It may be likened unto a naked mang who, when exposed to view, commands the eye of modesty to be covered : it is like unto a palace, which hath neither roof, nor gates, nor defences; into which, whoever willeth, may enter unmolested.-

• Therefore, I established the foundation of my empire in morality and religion; and by regulations and laws I gave it fiability. By those laws and by thoke regulations, I executed cvery business that came before me in the course of my governe ment.'

To the above Translation, Mr. White has added a specimen of Persan poetry, from the beginning of Jaumi's Poem, entitled, Eufoof and Zoolleikha. From the whole, he takes occasion, very properly, to evince the utility of studying the Per sian language, which abounds with poets and historians of very great merit, whose works, if translated into the languages of Europe, would open new sources of information, as well as of amusement,



F R A N C E.

ISCOURS Politiques, Historiques et Critiques sur quel-

ques Gouvernemens de l'Europe, &c. i. e. Political, Historical, and Critical Discourses concerning the Government of certain Courtries in Europe. By the Count DALBON, Member of several French and German Academies (of which eleven are crowded into this Title, and conclude with three &c.'s], 8vo. Lyons. 1779. First Vol. p. 433. .

Though these discourses are not totally destitute of merit, but contain several good things, yet the Author would bave done well to have composed some of them with less precipitation, or at least to have published them in less hurry. When a man, or boy, writes concerning the genius, character, government, legilation, and interests of nations, and does not professedly copy the authors that have written, or scribbled, before him, he mult proceed more in the piano way than this warm-headed young man has done; otherwise he will be deceived by false and superficial views of things; a kind of deception that is palpable in the work before us.

The Count D’Albon's. publication is to consist of three volumes. The first, which we here announce, contains two discourses concerning England; one concerning Holland ; and the subject of the fourth is Switzerland. The two succeeding volumes are, to treat of Italy, Spain, and Portugal. .

We have called the Author a young man, not that we know any thing of his age, but what we learn from the volume before us; which in style, manner, and often in matter, bears all the marks of the froth, petulance, temerity, and self-sufficiency of a smart, promising student, who has acquired some knowledge, but speaks with equal assurance of what he knows, and of what he knows not. He, moreover, deals largely in verbal antitheses, which he would willingly pass upon us for real ones; and, with all his pretensions to reason and humanity, is one of the warmeft and most servile champions of absolute manarchy that we have met with. As he is one of the sect in France, distinguished by the name of Oeconomifts, he seems to have given particular attention to agriculture and commerce; and if ever he (peaks with the sagacity of an observer, it is on the subjects, relative to these two practical sciences : but in political knowledge; in the science of government, he is beneach even the molt ordinary writers, and does not seem to be equal to any, thing higher than a pamphlet upon the Gallico-American Alliance.

His account of England is, unquestionably, the most exceptionable part of this first volume. He labours, with no small pother, to refute the accurate and excellent remarks of Monter. quieu on the British constitution; and here he exhibits to us che aspect of a fly scanning the Aight of an eagle. His rcAexions are, for the most part, trivial ; his reasonings often absurd; his accounts of the national state and character partial, exaggerated, and malignant ; and his relations are sometimes directly and palpably false. When he speaks of the commerce, manufactures, and liberty of the English, one would think that he was describing the internal desolation, oppression, and misery

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of his own country. What must a candid and sensible reader think of such periods as these : • By a change as rapid as it is frightful, England no more resembles itself: instead of a contented and happy people, it exhibits only men languishing in poverty and dejection, and suffering evils which they do not deserve.'

We know not whether all the mistakes of this prejudiced Writer are wilful; but we cannot help thinking some of them so. Rousseau had said, in his Social Contract, that the people of England are never free, except during the clection of a new parliament-Our Author denies that they are free even then. · They sell their liberty, says he, though it be but a shadow, a phantom; and this the Author of the Constitution of England, one of the most violent panegyrists of that nation, is obliged to acknowledge.'-This daring assertion made us suspect that we had loft our memory; and when we opened again Mr. De Lelme's excellent book, we began to suspect she rectitude of our eyefight:-but on second thoughts, finding no reason to presume that our eyes are to view objects as they are exhibited by the magic lanthorn of M. D'ALBON, we are obliged to expose him to the Public as guilty of misrepresentation and falsehood.

The judicious Author of the Constitution of England, inftead of acknowledging what Rousseau aflerts, refutes it, with warmth, and even with asperity. He shews, with the greatest perspicuity and strength of reasoning, the signal advantages which the people derive from acting by representatives in the great council of the nation ; and drawing the proper line of distinction between popular liberty and a part in the administration of government, he accuses Rousseau of ignorance and precipitation in the judgment he forined. If M. D'ALBON had read M. De Lolme's book with an ordinary degree of attention and car:dour (for we do not charge him with incapacity), he would have found all his imputations and objections answered before-hand : this might have prevented him from looking upon bribery and corruption as a part of the English conftitution ; from confounding the vices of the administration with those of the government; and from attributing to the laws, and the political system, effects which have their origin and causes in the corrupt morals of individuals, and the increase of that luxury and opulence which spring from the borom of liberty. He might also have seen that the disorders, which be rails at with a malignant pleasure, may one day produce their own remedy,-and that no abuses have affected the sources of legislation and liberty, of which the redress is not practicable, and which the nation has not still the power of redressing : he might have seen that a great part of what the British nation suffers at this day, proceeds from a concurrence of accidental circumstances, which it


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was extremely difficult to foresee or prevent, and from the bad faith of his own country, which seems disposed rather to perilh itself, than to see another prosper. 'In a word, he might have seen many things, had he been at the pains of opening his eyes, and laying aside his national pocket-glass. : The Discourse concerning Holland is somewhat less defective in point of inaccuracy; though the author's accounts of the Stadtholder (a name that sounds painfully in a French ear!) and of the States General, are erroneous in various respects, and, at beft, are trivial and superficial. Among other marks of difingenuity, which caft a just reproach upon the character of this Count D’Albon, we might mention his account of the elevation of William III. to the Stadtholderlbip. He disguises the infamy of that lawless and unprovoked invasion, in the year 1672, which will be an eternal stain on the annals of Lewis XIV. and Charles II. *; and tells us that a fedition was the cause of the sudden elevation of William Ill. This is speaking the language of a Nave, who hugs and caresses his chain. So then the generous voice of a whole people, who called upon the descendant of the immortal founder of their state to condud the army of the Republic against a lawless invader, and to invigorate the public counsels by a restoration of the ancient conftitution-this, forsooth, was a fedition !-No! Monsieur

D'Albon,- this was one of those events which,' in times of trou. ble and fa&ion, often produce unhappy acts of violence, that are painful to humanity, but which that humanity, which em. braces the happiness of a whole community preferably to that of a few individuals, must applaud as an act of patriotism, and not of fedition. Our Author's account of the elevation of William IV. is still lefs ingenuous : he does not even mention the fagrant iniquity of the French eruption into Dutch Flanders in the year 1746, without any other object or pretext than their mere good pleasure, and their desire that the Republic should sacrifice its independence, and follow their nod. He only tells us, in a few words, that William IV. was raised by a sedition, by a tumult in the city of Veere, which' rendered the ocher provinces so delirious, that they followed the first emotion, and consented to the restoration of the Stadtholdership.

Our Author condemns this step; and the whole strain of his reflexions on this subject resembles that of the French pamphleta eers, who seem to have given each other the word, to rail against

• It must never be forgotten that this infamous conduct of Charles II. (instead of being applauded by his people, as that of Lewis was) excited the indigaarion of all orders of men, and drew upon him the unanimous and bitrer reproaches of his parliament and subjects, who at length forced him to quit his base alliance wich the French invader,

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the Stadtholdership, and to unhinge (were it in their power) that happy union which constitutes the strength of the Belgic provinces. Having spoken of the state of the Republic, after the death of William III. which he calls a period of felicity and glory which lasted thirty years (lays he in bis chronoJogy +) without 4 Stadtholder, he expresses himself thus : • After fuch a happy experience, why did the Republic, regretting the Stadtholderian government, restore it again, and render it perpetual ? Never was any resolution more fingular and more imprudent; and if the United Provinces had not been blinded, they would have foreseen the fatal consequences which could not but arise from this step.' The interests of the Stadtholder? (continues this, wonderful Politician) are in almost a perpetual opposition to those of the Republic, and there is no reason to think that the latter will ever gain the ascendant,

I fee nothing in all the extent of the provinces, but the Stadtholder and his dependants : nowhere do I perceive the members of the state, the pillars of the country, the defenders of the Republic. To obtain an exact list of the creatures or flaves of the Prince of Orange, you have only to cast an eye on the deputies that form the assembly of the States General; then draw up a list of all those that compose the provincial as. semblies; and then enumerate the magistrates, senators, burgomasters, &c. in the several cities : nay, to express what I mean more fully and still more briefly, you have only to number the inhabitants of the Republic, and then you will have an exact list of the instruments which the Stadtholder can fet in motion, and manage according to his good pleasure.'-Pray, Sir, have you ever been in Holland? - Have you seen any one that has been there? or have you read any decent, author who has written about the country and its government?

We have never met with such a blundering and disingenuous Discourser about governments as this Writer. He tells us, that the Roman Catholics in the United Provinces cannot fill any posts, nor enter into commercial partnerships : focietés de commerce, is his term.-Now, if by posts he means all employments, civil or military, he is mistaken; for Roman Catholics may fill military employments, and do so in fact; and as to the latter article, it is one of the most glaring untruths imaginable, unless by focietés de commerce, he means the East and West India, companies. The bitter reproaches he cafts upon the Dutch government for its treatment of the Roman Catholics, are unjust in themselves, and peculiarly indecent in the mouth of a Frenchman. The Roman Catholics (whose religious principles are

+ The Republic, after King William's death, was 46 years with. out a Stadtholder,


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