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may serve to regulate clocks. It is also proper to observe, that the two articles, relative to constellations and comets, are new composed, and new plates added for the illustration of the latter, and chat the whole is terminated by an historical and chronological summary of the progress of astronomy, which shews the Reader the state of that science in the different periods of the world, and the discoveries that have been made in each.

XII. B. L. TRALLES Deutliche und Uberzeugende Vorstellung, &c. i. e. Clear and persuasive Confiderations tending to Dhew that the Proof of the Existence and Immateriality of the human Soul, drawn from the mutable and fluctuating Nature of all the for lid Parts, without Exception, of the human Body, is both highly important and perfectly conclusive. By M. B. L. Tralles, M.D. 8vo. Breslau. 1779. This worthy and eminent physician, whose medical productions, and particularly his contest with De Hahn of Vienna on the subject of inoculation, discovered fuch acuteness of head and goodness of heart, has now drawn his pen, in a very advanced age, against the materialiAts. This curious tribe of speculatists, whose hypothesis is incapable of positive proof, and deftitute of any utility, that can justify the noise they make about it, must be embarrassed at the inconve. niencies that arise from supposing the body, in general, to be the seat of intelligence. This form of materialism is not only unphilosophical beyond all expression, but is adapted to excite. laughter. A principle of intelligence which is purged and vomited,--dispersed by evacuations, and renewed by beef and pudding, turtle, port, and porter, is (begging leave of mansionhouse metaphysics) the most ridiculous phenomenon imaginable. Therefore the more plausible writers on the manufacture of souls, place the seat of intelligence in some of the finer stuff of the brain and nerves, which is not so flux, mutable, and perishable, (according to them) as the groffer parts of the body. It is against this subterfuge that M. TRALLES raises a warning voice in the work before us. He had proved, in a preceding work, that the instability of the solid parts of the body, and their perpetual change, are absolutely incompatible with the idea of a thinking being, which muft, in its nature, be permanent, and the fame, as long as it remains capable of thought. A learned Profeffor, to obviate this difficulty, represented to him the immutability or permanent state of the nerves and the brain; but our Author shews that the nerves and the brain are as subject to change as the other solid parts of the body, and are dispersed by secretion, and repaired like them.

MONTHLY

MONTHLY CATALOGUE, ... For SEPTEMBER, 1779.

POLITICA L. IV. Art. įr. Remarks on the Rescript of the Court of MADRID,

and on the MANIFESTO of the Court of VERSAILLES. In a Letter to the People of Great Britain. To which is added, An Appendix, containing the Rescript, the Manifesto, and a Memorial of Dr. Franklyn to the Court of Versailles, 8vo. 2 8. Cadell.

1779. TN a prefatory advertisement, the very ingenious and spirited Au. 1 thor of these Remarks observes, that the Rescript and Manifelto above mentioned,' are intended to work upon the understandings and affections of four diftinct classes of men- The Rulers of other States -The Subjects of their own Dominions-His Majesty's rebellious Subjects in America—and his loyal Subjects in every part of his dominions.

• But, in the following Address, it is not intended to examine them, either as they were meant to operate on the rulers of states, or on the subjects of France and of Spain ; or on his Majesty's rebellious subjects in America. It is intended to examine them merely as they are addressed to ourselves .So far as they are addressed to his Majesty's rebellious subjects in America, they are almolt too ridiculous to deserve a serious anfwer. Every thing serious, that can be said about them, has already been said, and well said " One sentiment only can arise respecting the conduct of these powers, who, affecting the patronage of rights which they neither feel nor understand, could have but one objectAmidst che distractions of the British empire to gratify their own ambition.”

So far as they are meant to operate upon the Rulers of States, it is the proper business of his Majesty's confidential servants to reply to them. They only are furnished with the proper materials : 10 them alone can the business be safely committed. And I hope and truit, that they will acquit themselves of the task, with that preci. fion, which the justice of their cause enables them to use; with that fpirit, which the insolence of our enemies demands; with that dig. nity, which the honour of the crown requires

So far as they are meant to operate on the deluded subjects of France and of Spain, they must be answered in another way. Con. viction must be wrought, not by the force of argument, but by the vigour of arms. Would to Heaven, for the sake of humanity, con. vidion could be wrought in a milder way!

• So far as they are addressed to ourselves; as they are meant to operate upon us ; to warp our understandings, or to bias our af. fections ; to weaken our efforts, or to depress our spirits ; to alienate dur minds from the government, or to lessen our confidence in the councils of our Sovereign ; I thought it might not be useless, and I trufted it would not be unacceptable, to point out to my country.

, *'See Address from the East-India Company, Rev. Sept. 1779.

men

men the insolence of style, the fallacy of argument, and the groft bels of misrepresentation, which strongly marking both che Rescript and the Manifefto, reflect disgrace on their authors; and point them out to us as the ojects at once of our indignation and contempt.

• Considering them with this view only, it will not be expected that I hould enter into a minute detail of particular facts, or inta a refutation of injuries pretended to have been sustained, demands of reparation pretended to have been frequently made, and as frequently refused. This is the proper bufiness of men in office. It will be enough for my purpose, if I shew, that in admitting our rebellious fubjects in America to a participation in all the privileges enjoyed by independent states, Lewis committed an unprovoked injury oa the people of Great Britain ; that the reasons alleged to justify that admiffion, add insult to injury ; that his forming a treaty of friendship and commerce, of alliance offensive and defensive, with them, was intended to perpetuate the original injury; and Jaitly, that the terms of accommodation proposed by France and recommended by Spain, were meant to be a gross repetition of the original insuli.'

In effe&ting this purpose, viz. the pointing out to his countrymen • the infolence of style, the fallacy of argument, and the grossness of misrepresentation, which ftrongly mark both the Rescript and the Manifetto,' the Remarker employs the united force of reason and sie dicule. To the aid of these he has, moreover, called in the powers and embellishments of oratory; so that those readers who may not, in every inttance, be convinced by his arguments, or influenced by bis ludicrous comments, will, at least, allow, that he has given the public a masterly piece of declamation.--If he be accused, as he probably will (by those who look with more profound veneration on courts and crowned heads), of having taken unbecoming liberties with their moft Christian and Catholic Majelties,- his defence is briedy this :- In these Remarks I have spoken as I felt ; too regardless, Í was fearful, of the forms and etiquettes of courts. On this head I was going to make fome apology ; but the parties stopped me. I faw the epichets “ absurd”-" frivolous"-" insidious"-" perfi. dious"-bestowed with a liberal hand. by Lewis on th: King of Great Britain. I therefore concluded this to be the language of courts; and cannot but congratulate myself, that, without knowing ii, I have written like a coartier' Art. 12. Strictures on the French King's Manifesta; or, Narra

tive of the Motives of his conduct towards England : Exposing the Fallacy of the Pretences therein set forth. Pointing out the real Motives which urge the French King, and Thewing the Injustice of his Conduct towards England. Also, proving to a Demonftra. tion, from the Words of the Manifefto, that he is the Aggressor and role Beginner of the War, consequently the Cause of all the Blood that is or may be thed in ibis unrighteous Quarrel. 8vo. 4 d. Bew. 1779.

These Strictures appeared originally in the Morning Poft, on fix different days; and they are now collected into a pamphlet, by the Writer, with the fole view of elucidating the truth, expofing falsehood, chicanery, and creachery, and furnishing ihe minds of his fellow.subjects with right and apt ideas of the different parties

engaged

engaged in the present confused quarrel, and enabling those who fnay travel into foreign parts, to repel the reproaches and reflections that foreigners may cast upon our country, on the faith of those fallacious Manifestos, &c.'

This was well done; and we will readily give the Author credit for the best motives towards an undertaking which mày contributė, . with the reit of our publications on this subject; to convince the world, that we can out write our enemies, if we do not out fight them. Art. 13. A Political Mirror; or, a summary View of the present

Reign. With Noies explanatory and historical; and an authentic List of the Ships and Vessels of War, taken and destroyed, fince the Commencement of Hostilities. 8vo. 1 s. 6 d. Fielding and Walker. 1779.

Calculated to support a very heavy, but not very novel charge against the system which has prevailed during the present reign. The Reviewer con Giders the Court as having, from the commencement of the Batean influence, entertained principles inimical to the fpirit and safety of the constitution; and adminisiration he execrates for its unfeadiness and imbecility of conduct. If the first allegation be true, it may be eventually happy for this nation that the second be true likewise.

As a specimen of what may be seen by looking into this Political Mirror, take the Writer's general deduction, or concluding summary view of our present uncomfortable fituation, viz.—. A mutilated empire engaged in a war, the event of which is as uncertain as is the period of its conclusion ; without an ally on whom she can de. pend, in the moment of danger and neceflity, for assistance. The most valuable part of her commerce gone, for ever, into a different channel, and the other part subject to such risk, as to check the ada venturous spirit of trade; while her people are oppressed by taxes, and by acts of parliament, which, in their consequences, tend to the total subversion of their rights and liberties, and to prepare them for that slavery which, by their abject submission to a shameless cabal, they seem to invite and deserve.

i Such is the precise and dreadful condition to which this country is reduced, by a progressive chain of events, which have regularly apprised us of what has at last happened; and as we have not the vir. tue to bring the perpetrators of our misery and disgrace to condign and exemplary punishment, it must be left to the julice of potterity to mark with infamy and deteftation the memories of those who have brought the character of their sovereign into disrepute, his crown into absolute danger, and accelerated the decline of the British em: pire, by the complicated crimes of treachery, venality, and cora ruption.' Art. 14. Observations on a Pamphlet, entitled, A dort History

of Opposition,” &c. To which is prefixed, an Address to Messrs. Wedderburn, Gibbon, and Macpherson. By a Member of Parlia. Jiament. 8vo. 2 s. 6 d. W. Davis, Ludgate-Hill. 1779.

The gentlemen whose names are mentioned in the title-page of this pamphlet, have been severally given, by report, as the writers of * Vid. Review, July, Art. 36 of the Catalogue.

the

the Short Hisory, &c. But our Obferver (after a satirical discullion of the point) toxes the performance on Mr. Macpherson, the celebrated Editor of Osian's Poems; and he, probably, is not a bad guesfer, but Nill it is only guess-work. .

Whoever was the writer of the Short History, he is here mot acri. moniously attacked, by an opponent who will neither allow him principle nor ability ; which is, surely, going a little too far. The Historian of Opposition is, unquestionably, a man of excellent parts : and this, we think, must be allowed him by all judges of writing, whatever they may deem of his motives or his candour.- As to the answer here given to his pamphlet, it is minute and tedious; but it contains some very juft and material strictures. The Author seems particularly desirous to invalidate, in some degree, the evidence given by General Robertson and Mr. Galloway, relative to the conduct of the war in America, before the Committee of the House of Commons; which evidence having been eagerly taken up by the ministerial writers, has proved the basis of several notable pamphlets on that side of the question : Vid. our Political and American Articles, for several months paft. Art. 15. A Short Defence of the Opposition; in Answer to a

Pamphlet, entitled, “ A short History of the Opposition." 8vo. i s. 6 d. Almon. This is a serious, candid, and solid refutation of the Short History :

a performance, of which the following general notice is taken, by the present Writer, in the conclusion of the tract before us : viz. • I Thall now only make an observation on the evident design of the au thor, in his Short History, which is, plainly, to keep alive party disputes, at a time that is more proper for action than debate; to decry the characters of some of the most upright and virtuous men in this nation, and by depreciating their merit, to enhance that of his own friends and patrons. Conscious that the conduct of these last will not stand the test of examination, he sees that nothing can: keep them much longer in their station, unless he can establish an opinion to the discredit of those who have opposed them.'

The Short Defence is written with less vivacity than the Short Hit tory; but we really think the former has greatly the advantage in point of argument. - What the Author has said on the importance of: the freedom of parliamentary debate, deserves to be particularly at. tended to; the same may be said of his decisive refutation of the popular notion that the rebellion in America was fomented by oppofition. We must add, that he has clearly shewn, that America was

uninfluenced by any other causes than her own sensibility.'

AMERICAN CON TES T. Art. 16. Letters to a Nobleman, on the Conduct of the War in the

Middle Colonies. 8vo. 2s. Wilkie. 1779. To this tract the following advertisement is prefixed :- An attempt has been made, in the House of Commons, to establish the following propositions : “ That the revolted Colonies are naturally so strong as to be impracticable by war, that their inhabitants are almox universally disaffected co the British government, and that the

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