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“Me tenet urbs refluâ quam Thamesis alluit undâ,

Meque nec vitum patria dulcis habet.
Jam nec arundiferum mihi cura revisere Camum,

Nec dudum vetiti me laris angit amor.-
Nec duri libet usque minas perferre magistri,

Cæteraque ingenio non subeunda meo.
Si sit hoc exilium patrias adiisse penates,

Et vacuum curis otia grata sequi,
Non ego vel profugi nomen sortenive recuso,

Lætus et exilii conditione fruor.”

10

I cannot find any meaning but this, which even kindness and reverence can give to the term, vetiti laris, “ a habitation from which he is excluded ;” or how exile can be otherwise interpreted. He declares yet more, that he is weary of enduring the threats of a rigorous master, and something else, which a temper like his cannot undergo. What was more than threat was probably punishment. Thi& poem, which mentions his exile, proves likewise that

it was not perpetual; for it concludes with a resolution of 20/returning some time to CambridgeAnd it may be con

jectured from the willingness with which he has perpetuated the memory of his exile, that its cause was such as gave him no shame.

He took both the usual degrees; that of Batchelor in 1628, and that of Master in 1632 ; but he left the university with no kindness for its institution, alienated either by the injudicious severity of his gove mors, or his own captious perverseness. The cause cannot now be known,

but the effect appears in his writings. His scheme of 30 education, inscribed to Hartlib, supersedes all academical

instruction, being intended to comprise the whole time which men usually spend in literature, from their entrance upon grammar, till they proceed, as it is called, masters of arts. And in his Discourse “ On the likeliest Way to Remove Hirelings out of the Church,” he ingeniously proposes, that the profits of the lands forfeited by the act for

superstitious uses, should be applied to such academies all over the land, where languages and arts may be taught together; so that youth may be at once brought up to a competency of learning and an honest trade, by which means such of them as had the gift, being enabled to support themselves (without tithes) by the latter, may, by the help of the former, become worthy preachers.

One of his objections to academical education, as it was then conducted, is, that men designed for orders in the Church were permitted to act plays, writhing and unboning 10 their clergy limbs to all the antick and dishonest gestures of Trinculos, buffoons and bawds, prostituting the shame of that ministry which they had, or were near having, to the eyes of courtiers and court-ladies, their grooms and mademoiselles.

This is sufficiently peevish in a man, who, when he mentions his exile from the college, relates, with great luxuriance, the compensation which the pleasures of the theatre afford him. Plays were therefore only criminal when they were acted by academicks.

He went to the university with a design of entering into 20 the church, but in time altered his mind; for he declared, that whoever became a clergyman must “subscribe slave, and take an oath withal, which, unless he took with a conscience that could retch, he must straight perjure himself. He thought it better to prefer a blameless silence before the office of speaking, bought and begun with servitude and forswearing."

These expressions are, I find, applied to the subscription of the articles ; but it seems more probable that they relate to canonical obedience. I know not any of the Articles 30 which seem to thwart his opinions : but the thoughts of obedience, whether canonical or civil, raised his indig. nation.

His unwillingness to engage in the ministry, perhaps not yet advanced to a settled resolution of declining it,

appears in a letter to one of his friends, who had reproved his suspended and dilatory life, which he seems to have imputed to an insatiable curiosity, and fantastick luxury of various knowledge. To this he writes a cool and plausible answer, in which he endeavors to persuade him that the delay proceeds not from the delights of desultory study, but from the desire of obtaining more fitness for his task; and that he goes on, not taking thought of being late, so it give

advantage to be more fit. 10 When he left the university, he returned to his father,

then residing at Horton in Buckinghamshire, with whom he lived five years; in which time he is said to have read all the Greek and Latin writers. With what limitations this universality is to be understood, who shall inform us?

It might be supposed that he who read so much should have done nothing else; but Milton found time to write the Masque of “Comus," which was presented at Ludlow, then the residence of the Lord President of Wales,

in 1634; and had the honour of being acted by the Earl 20 of Bridgewater's sons and daughter. The fiction is derived

from Homer's Circe; but we never can refuse to any modern the liberty of borrowing from Homer:

“—a quo ceu fonte perenni Vatum Pieriis ora rigantur aquis.”

His next production was “ Lycidas,” an elegy, written in 1637, on the death of Mr. King, the son of Sir John King, secretary for Ireland in the time of Elizabeth, James, and Charles. King was much a favourite at Cambridge, and

many of the wits joined to do honour to his memory. 30 Milton's acquaintance with the Italian writers may be dis

covered by a mixture of longer and shorter verses, according to the rules of Tuscan poetry, and his malignity to the Church by some lines which are interpreted as threatening its extermination.

He is supposed about this time to have written his “ Arcades ; " for while he lived at Horton he used some. times to steal from his studies a few days, which he spent at Harefield, the house of the countess dowager of Derby, where the “ Arcades” made part of a dramatick entertainment.

He began now to grow weary of the country; and had some purpose of taking chambers in the Inns of Court, when the death of his mother set him at liberty to travel, for which he obtained his father's consent, and Sir Henry 10 Wotton's directions, with the celebrated precept of prudence, i pensieri stretti, ed il viso sciolto; “ thoughts close, and looks loose.”

In 1638 he left England, and went first to Paris; where, by the favour of Lord Scudamore, he had the opportunity of visiting Grotius, then residing at the French court as ambassador from Christina of Sweden. From Paris he hasted into Italy, of which he had with particular diligence studied the language and literature: and, though he seems to have intended a very quick perambulation of the country, 20 staid two months at Florence; where he found his way into the academies, and produced his compositions with such applause as appears to have exalted him in his own opinion, and confirmed him in the hope, that, “ by labour and intense study, which,” says he, “I take to be my portion in this life, joined with a strong propensity of nature,” he might “ leave something so written to after-times, as they should not willingly let it die.”

It appears, in all his writings, that he had the usual concomitant of great abilities, a lofty and steady confidence in 30 himself, perhaps not without some contempt of others; for scarcely any man ever wrote so much, and praised so few. Of his praise he was very frugal; as he set its value high, and considered his mention of a name as a security against the waste of time, and a certain preservative from oblivion.

From Flore he was again poistenius, the kes at Oxford

At Florence he could not indeed complain that his merit wanted distinction. Carlo Dati presented him with an encomiastick inscription, in the tumid lapidary style; and Francini wrote him an ode, of which the first stanza is only empty noise; the rest are perhaps too diffuse on common topicks; but the last is natural and beautiful.

From Florence he went to Sienna, and from Sienna to Rome, where he was again received with kindness by the

Learned and the Great. Holstenius, the keeper of the 10 Vatican Library, who had resided three years at Oxford,

introduced him to Cardinal Barberini; and he, at a musical entertainment, waited for him at the door, and led him by the hand into the assembly. Here Selvaggi praised him in a distich, and Salsilli in a tetrastick: neither of them of much value. The Italians were gainers by this literary commerce ; for the encomiums with which Milton repaid Salsilli, though not secure against a stern grammarian, turn the balance indisputably in Milton's

favour. 20 Of these Italian testimonies, poor as they are, he' was

proud enough to publish them before his poems; though he says, he cannot be suspected but to have known that they were said non tam de se, quam supra se.

At Rome, as at Florence, he staid only two months; a time indeed sufficient, if he desired only to ramble with an explainer of its antiquities, or to view palaces and count pictures ; but certainly too short for the contemplation of learning, policy, or manners.

From Rome he passed on to Naples, in company of a 30 herinit; a companion from whom little could be expected,

yet to him Milton owed his introduction to Manso marquis of Villa, who had been before the patron of Tasso. Manso was enough delighted with his accomplishments to honour him with a sorry distich, in which he commends him for every thing but his religion ; and Milton, in return, ad.

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