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that which actually appeared to have been entered into by the bank, and had at the same time resisted that principle, from the adoption of which the public had since derived so much advantage. He (Mr. G.) had been also contradicted in the statement, that the bank derived a profit of 300,000l. from the management of the public debt. In fact he had not mentioned the precise sum of 300,000l.; but had generally stated that it was near such a sum, for up to last November it was calculated at exactly 282,000l. It was quite erroneous for the hon. director to state that the public derived an advantage amounting to 500,000l. from the different advances made by the bank for the public service, at a reduced rate of interest; for ever since the year 1746 they had been in the habit of making advances on these terms, in consequence of their exclusive privileges as public bankers, and they had continued to do the same for similar reasons since the renewal of the charter. From a review of all the objections that he had heard urged, he saw no reason to depart from his original intention, and would therefore call for the decision of the House upon the

motion which he had the honour to submit.

Mr. Manning, in explanation, begged merely to say, that he had no intention whatever to impute to the hon. gentleman the remotest connexion between his sentiments and those of certain persons out of doors. As to the statement which peared in the British Press, of the 11th of January, he supposed it had dropped out of the hon. gentleman's pocket, and had thus found its way into publicity.

The House then divided:
For the motion ................

Against it....

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List of the Minority.
Jones, John
Lamb, hon. W.
Lockhart, J. I.
Marryat, Jos.
Mackintosh, sir J.
Martin, Henry
Martin, John
Monck, sir C.
Morland, J. B.
Moore, Peter
Newman, R. W.
Ossulston, lord
Prittie, hon. F. A.
Ponsonby, rt. hon. G.
Rashleigh, W.

Frankland, Robt. Guise, sir Wm. Halsey, Jos. Jervoise, G. P.

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MOTION Relating

TO THE PAYMENTS IN SPECIE BY THE BANK]. Lord Archibald Hamilton rose to submit a motion, which could not, he imagined, lead to a diversity of sentiment. It was, "That there be laid before this House, a copy of any notice given by the directors of the bank to the public in the year 1816, respecting any payment of their notes in specie; also an account of the amount of specie which in consequence of such notice the said company of the bank became liable to pay on demand; and an account of all specie actually paid in consequence of such order, to the latest period the same can be made out." The noble lord stated, that his object in calling for these returns was, to demonstrate the opinions he entertained upon the subject. It might be said, that the information he sought ought to remain a secret with the bank directors, who were its proper depositories, and in whom the utmost confidence should be placed. For his own part, he confessed that he could not pay implicit confidence in those personages, and that his experience taught him rather to distrust their proceedings. The noble lord, in illustration of his opinion, adverted to the evidence given by certain of the directors before the bullion committee, who broadly affirmed, that it was immaterial to the bank, whether the restriction was continued in perpetuity, or at once withdrawn. In calling the attention of the House to this subject, he did so from a conscientious feeling, that the prosperity of the country was connected with the affairs of the bank. His own experience convinced him that the interestand prosperity of the affairs of the bank, and those of the country, were mutually connected, but acted upon in an inverse ratio. The prosperity of the bank always kept pace with the distresses of the country. The one decreased as the other advanced, and so the operation of cause and effect would continue as long as the present mode of management was protected. The entire regulation of the bank affairs should not be vested in the directors, to the exclusion of the interposition of that House in behalf of the public. The noble lord

proceeded to point out the baneful effects that were endured by the public from the influence of the bank upon the circulating medium of the country, which was at one moment greatly augmented, and then suddenly withdrawn by the operation of the issue or recall of paper money. Admitting that bank paper had not been depreciated, was there no evil in the fluctuation which was incidental to the present course of things? Was the transition of price, in the articles of life, no evil for the public? Or had it not produced the greater part of the distress which all now deplored? He would ask, whether the country had not borrowed money at a rate of 15s. in the pound, and was now paying it at a rate of 20s. His present object was merely to seek information, and he only required the addition of dates and sums to the information already communicated to the public. He was far from requiring any improper interference with the concerns ofthe bank; he merely wished to protect the public from a serious loss in the management of its general accounts. The noble lord concluded by putting the motion with which he set out.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer expressed his anxiety for the resumption of cash payments at the bank. As to the motion before the House, nothing, in his opinion, could be more improper than any inquiry on the part of the House into the preliminary means by which the bank prepared to carry its intention of resuming cash payments into effect. It was impossible that the bank could at any time resume those payments, without being furnished with ample treasure for the purpose. The particular transaction to which the noble lord's motion, referredwashighly creditable to the bank, for it showed the sincere disposition of the directors to pay in specie at the earliest possible moment. Their notice stated their readiness to pay a part of their notes in this manner; and the right hon. gentleman here repeated his former observation relative to the smallness of amount which was demanded from the bank, in consequence of the notice alluded

to.

The resumption of cash payments could only be undertaken with great confidence in the public; and how could this confidence be maintained if parliament, in the face of the public, should exhibit a jealousy and want of confidence in the directors? This would overturn the whole arrangement for resuming cash payments, and do as much injury to the re-appearance

of the metallic currency, as could be effected by an absolute prohibition. The bank had been now six months preparing to collect the treasure necessary for resuming cash payments, and they were thus to be interrupted in their first public step. If public circumstances continued, as there was every likelihood they would the bank, would be able to pay in specie on the 5th July 1818. If the state of exchange continued to improve, and the price of bullion to fall, there could be no doubt that this resumption would take place. In this state. of things, with the drain which necessarily was taken from the country by non-residents, by the consumption of the British army beyond the allowance paid by France government was yet able to issue two millions and a half of silver currency; there were, then, the most sanguine hopes that the bank would be able to carry its intentions into effect. If the noble lord's motion were acceded to, it would be only the prelude to others, which would interfere with the existing state of the arrangements making for the resumption of cash payments. He would therefore oppose it.

The motion was rejected without a division.

ATTENDANCE OF MEMBERS AT ELECTION BALLOTS.] Mr. Wynn moved, "That upon days appointed for taking into consideration any Election Petition, no member be allowed to depart from the House, from the time when Mr. Speaker shall begin to count the House, until either the order for the consideration of such petition be discharged or adjourned, or till the list of forty-nine members be completed."

The Chancellor of the Exchequer expressed his warm approbation of the motion. It was highly disrespectful and unbecoming, that members should go away under such circumstances; and he was sure that gentlemen, on reflection, would see the necessity of some regulation on the subject.

The Speaker in putting the question, suggested the propriety of giving the sergeant at arms authority to tell members who might be leaving the House that they were acting inconsistent with their duty, and with the rules of the House.

The question was put, and agreed to.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Friday, February 21.

REPORT OF SECRET COMMITTEE

MR. CLEARY'S PETITION.] Earl Grosvenor said, that a petition had been put into his hands, to be presented to their lordships, to the matter of which he was anxious to call their particular attention before they proceeded to the order of the day. The petition was from Thomas Cleary, the secretary to the London Union Society; and he was the more anxious to call their lordships attention to it now, because it might perhaps be the only opportunity which the individual might have of doing himself and others justice, before their lordships should have adopted measures founded on the report of the secret committee; and he had been given to understand since he came into the House, that it was the intention of ministers to propose the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act. When this report of the secret committee had been first read at the table, he had contended that the evidence on which the committee had founded their conclusions ought to be laid before their lordships, to enable them to judge whether these conclusions were supported by the evidence, before they adopted measures upon it; because, in a matter of such magnitude, it appeared to him that they ought to legislate cautiously, and, he might almost say, less violently than seemed to be at present in contemplation. The noble president of the council at that time met him with statements of practice and usage. He spoke then merely from a feeling of the gross impropriety of acting upon the report, without satisfying themselves, from inspection of the evidence, that the conclusions were just: but he was now provided with a precedent-that of 1794, when a very strong report, and also the evidence were produced. It had occurred to him, when he first heard the report read, that much of it consisted of inference from facts, rather than a statement of facts; and that it was therefore peculiarly desirable that their lordships should see the evidence. This feeling was considerably strengthened by the statements, in this petition, which might be true for any thing he knew to the contrary. Whether they were so or not, he could not take upon himself to say; but if they were true, they would not only throw considerable suspicion on the evidence from which the committee had drawn its conclusions, but show that very great injury had been done to the individual who now petitioned, as well as to other persons. -His lordship then read the petition as follows:

"To the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament assembled.

"The Petition of Thomas Cleary, Secretary to the London Union Society.

"Humbly showeth, That it is with great reluctance, as well as humility, that your petitioner offers himself to the notice of, and prays for a hearing from your right honourable House; but that your petitioner, though a very humble individual, feels himself impelled by a sense of imperious duty, to beseech your right honourable House to pause, and to hear further evidence, before your right honourable House proceed to adopt legislative measures upon the report, now on the table of your right honourable House, from your late secret committee.

"Your petitioner begs permission humbly to state to your right honourable House, that he has read in the aforementioned report of the secret committee of your lordships, the following passage; to wit:

"Others of these societies are called Union Clubs, professing the same object words understanding universal suffrage of parliamentary reform, but under these and annual parliaments-Projects which evidently involve not any qualified or the British constitution. It appears that partial change, but a total subversion of there is a London Union Society, and branch Unions corresponding with it, and affiliated to it. Others of these societies

have adopted the name of Spencean Philanthropists; and it was by members of a club of this description that the plans of the conspirators in London were discussed and prepared for execution."

"Your petitioner presumes not to oppose his opinions against those of a committee of your right honourable House; but he hopes, that he may be humbly permitted to state, that when a bill was brought before your right honourable House by the late duke of Richmond, laying it down as a matter of principle, that annual parliaments and universal suffrage were the inherent and unalienable rights of Englishmen, the noble duke was not accused of a desire to produce “a total subversion of the British constitution."

"It is not, however, on matters of opi

nion, but on matters of most important fact, that your petitioner humbly appeals to the candour, the wisdom, and the justice of your right honourable House, and on matters of fact, too, with regard to which your petitioner is able to submit to your right honourable House the clearest and most indubitable testimony.

to prove, in the most satisfactory manner, at the bar of your right honourable House. "Upon this important point your petitioner humbly begs leave to represent to your right honourable House, that the London Union Society was founded in 1812 by Mr. Edward Bolton Clive, Mr. Walter Fawkes, the late colonel Bosville, Mr. Montague Burgoyne, the present lord mayor, Mr. Alderman Goodbehere, Mr. Francis Canning, Mr. William Hallet, sir Francis Burdett, major Cartwright, Mr. Robert Slade, Mr. Timothy Brown, Mr. J. J. Clarke, and several other individuals equally respectable; that it continued to hold meetings but a very short time; that it never did any act except the publishing of one address to the nation on the subject of reform; that it never had any one

"Your petitioner's entire ignorance of the views of the secret committee of your right honourable House, as well as his profound respect and extreme deference for every thing done within the walls of your right honourable House, are more than sufficient to restrain your petitioner from attempting even to guess at the reasons for your committee's having so closely connected the London Union Society' with the societies of Spencean Philanthropists; but your petitioner humbly" Branch;" that it never held any corresbegs leave to assure your lordships, that he is ready and able to prove at the bar of your lordships, that there never has existed, between these societies, the smallest connexion of any sort, either in person or design, the object of the former being to obtain "a parliamentary reform, according to the constitution," while that of the latter, as appears from the report of your lordships committee, has been to obtain a common partnership in the land; and that, therefore, any evidence which may have been laid before the secret committee of your lordships to establish this connexion, is, as your petitioner is ready to prove at the bar of your lordships, wholly destitute

of truth.

pondence either written or verbal with any society of any sort; that it never was affiliated to any society, or branch, or any body of men whatsoever; finally, that it has not even met for nearly three years and a half last past; and, of course, that it is not now in existence.

"What, then, must have been the surprise and the pain of your humble petitioner, when he saw, in the report of your lordships secret committee, this London Union Society represented, not only as being still in existence, but busily and extensively at work, establishing branches and affiliations, carrying on an active correspondence, infusing life into societies of Spencean Philanthropists, and producing, by these means, plans of conspiracy, revolution, and treason! And, though your petitioner is too well assured of the upright views and of the justice of every committee consisting of members of your noble and right honourable House not to be convinced that very strong evidence in support of these charges must have been produced to your lordships secret com

"But the facts to which your petitioner is most anxious humbly to endeavour to obtain the patient attention of your right honourable House, relate to that affiliation and correspondence, which your lordships secret committee have been pleased to impute to the London Union Society, by observing that it appears that there is a London Union Society, and Branch Unions, corresponding with it, and affiliated to it;"mittee, your petitioner cannot, neverthea description which seems, in the humble conception of your petitioner, to resemble that which was given of the London Corresponding Society, in 1795, and which, as your petitioner humbly conceives, point to measures of a nature similar to those which were then adopted; and your petitioner, though with all humility, ventures to express his confidence, that the evidence which he doubts not has been produced to your lordships secret committee to justify this description, is wholly and entirely false, as your petitioner is ready

less, refrain from expressing most humbly his deep regret, that your lordships committee should not have deigned to send for the books and other testimonials of the character and proceedings of the London Union Society; and your petitioner humbly begs leave to observe, that this omission appears singularly unfortunate for the London Union Society, seeing that the secret committee of your lordships appear, in another part of their report, to lament the want of means of obtaining the written proceedings of societies, and seeing

that it was natural to expect, that a society having branches, an affiliation and an active correspondence, had also a copious collection of written documents.

"Your petitioner is aware, that he has trespassed too long on the patience of your lordships; but, well knowing that your lordships seek only for truth as the basis of your proceedings, he humbly hopes that you will be pleased to excuse the earnestness of his present representation, and he also presumes humbly to express his hope, that your lordships will be pleased, in your great tenderness for the character and liberties of his majesty's faithful subjects, to consider whether it be not possible that your secret committee may have been misled, by what they may have deemed good evidence, as to other parts of their recent report; and, at the least, your petitioner humbly prays that your lordships will, in your great condescension, be pleased to permit your petitioner to produce all the books and papers of the London Union Society at the bar of your right honourable House, where your petitioner confidently assures your lordships that he is ready to prove all and singular the allegations, contained in this his most humble petition.

"And your petitioner will ever pray.
"THOMAS CLEARY."

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The Duke of Montrose rose to order. He considered it highly disorderly to impute to the members of a committee appointed by their lordships any motives, such as courting the favour of the House, which could influence them in the discharge of a public duty.

Earl Grosvenor said, if the noble duke had allowed him to finish his expression, it would have been found that he had no intention whatever of imputing motives to the members of the committee. All he meant to say was, that persons with a view of courting the favour of that House, of courting the favour of ministers

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(for what was intended but to give ministers additional power), might state to the committee what was not the fact, and that thus the committee might have been misled. This was his view of the subject, and it was most important that such a consideration should be adopted by the House. Was it to be endured, that upon statements made by any committee to that House, and which statements were offered to be proved at the bar to be untrue, the liberties of the people of England were to be placed at the disposal of Mr. Canning, Mr. Bragge Bathurst, lord Castlereagh, and their colleagues?

The Duke of Athol rose to order, and put it to the House, whether it was consistent with the order of their proceedings, that motives should thus be imputed to individuals?

Lord Rolle also rose to order, and asked whether it was fair thus to attack individuals, who not being members of that House, could not defend themselves?

The Lord Chancellor declared the allusion to Mr. Bragge Bathurst, &c. to be most disorderly, nor could he consent to remain ten minutes longer in the situation which he held, if the House decided it to be in order. Nothing, indeed, could be more disorderly than the whole proceeding on this petition, which purported that the petitioner knew of a proceeding of that House, which he could not, consistently with the orders of the House, know any thing about, the report having been presented for the use of the members of that House, and of them only.

Earl Grey said, it appeared to him, that those who now stood forward in support of the orders of the House were themselves the violators. What his noble friend had said contrary to order, he had yet to learn. He did not hear him impute improper motives to any man. What he understood him to say, and which he was ready to repeat after him, was this, that the effect of the measure now in contemplation would be to leave the liberties of the country at the mercy of the ministers of the crown. Then his noble friend had named certain members of the other House-whether discreetly or not was for his own consideration; but he believed it was not contrary to order to name in that House members of the other House. It appeared to him, therefore, that his noble friend had been most improperly interrupted, and chiefly by the learned lord on the woolsack, whose

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