nience could have been sustained by that wish being gratified. Had they been sincere in their professions of economy and retrenchment, they had a fair opportunity of proving that sincerity to the public by calling parliament together, and speedily beginning to carry these professions into practice. But he imagined, that whatever advantages he and those who were of his opinion might see in the speedy assem bling of parliament, ministers saw the great inconveniences they should be exposed to, and therefore resolved to postpone it as long as they possibly could. The debates of last session seemed to have given them some alarm, and they therefore prevented those debates from being trou blesome to them as long as they could. mighty empire they owed to their constituents, examine into and correct whatever abuses they found to exist in the public government of the country. The people naturally looked up to the wisdom and energy of parliament, and it would be painful in the extreme that the good they expected from that wisdom and energy should be withheld from them. In looking still further into the argument respecting the temporary nature of our calamities, one naturally supposed from their being called temporary, that ministers had strong expectations of some relief. Now, he would ask, where were the resources from which such relief was to come? Was it from the manufacturing interests? Alas! the painful experience of thousands demonstrated the ruin of those interests. Was it from Feeling these things very strongly, and commerce? There were in the House feeling the absolute necessity of the House, many commercial men, but was there one endeavouring by every exertion to secure of them who would say, that he entertained the confidence of the people, he had prethe smallest hope of an improved state in pared an amendment, respecting which he that quarter? In looking around, the begged to say, that it contained no lanprospect was equally gloomy in every guage of despondency or exaggeration, direction. No improvement was to be but a plain honest statement of facts, and hoped for, unless the House did their duty a declaration by which the House, should by feeling sincerely for the people, and it adopt the amendment, would come to a carrying that feeling into practice. Mi- determination to show itself ready without nisters had now declared their intention to delay to go into the state of the nation, reduce the expenditure of the country. and make every investigation which the He sincerely wished they had begun that urgency of the case required. Before he reduction a little earlier, as they might read that amendment, he called on the then have secured more confidence to House to consider the situation in which themselves from the people than they now they were now placed, and the duty they unfortunately had. They had put it off as were now called to discharge to the publong as they could, and when the House lic. The nation was at this moment lookwas about to assemble, they had then be- ing up to the House with an awful and gun. Now, why had they not begun indescribable anxiety. Every eye was disooner? He was convinced, that it was rected to their proceedings. By their disthe dread of meeting parliament, not any charging the duty which was now devolved wish of their own, that made them now on them, in the manner which they ought, commence the work. They remembered they would secure the love and affection the discussions which had taken place last of the people, but should they act in a session, and the consequences which those different manner-should they show the discussions had produced, and, afraid to country that they still wished the delusion meet then again, they now began to re- to be continued, then indeed would every duce. Was it then proper, he would ask, claim to public confidence be lost-deswas it reasonable, that the affairs of the pondency and discontent succeed-and, to country should be entrusted to the hands say the least, that want of union between of men, who had discovered no wish what- the representative and the constituent ever to decrease expensive establishments would take place, which would be producwhen no longer called for, but on the conon- tive of the most unpleasant effects. Should trary showed every inclination at least to his amendment be unfortunately negatived retain, if not to increase them? Besides he trusted that a noble friend of his, who he was at a loss to know why parliament had last year made a motion for a comhad not been earlier assembled. Minis- mittce to make inquiry into the national ters must have known that the early expenditure, would again revive his motion. meeting of parliament was the general It had unfortunately been lost by the unwish of the country, and that no inconve- happy influence of ministers-the influence "That we have seen with the deepest concern the continued embarrassments of our agriculture, manufactures, and commerce; the alarming deficiency of the revenue and the unexampled and increasing distresses of all classes of his majesty's faithful subjects. Of these facts he was sure no one could have any doubt. "That we are willing to indulge the hope that these distresses may be found, in part, to have originated from circumstances of a temporary nature, and that some alleviation of them may be produced by the continuance of peace, but that we should ill discharge our duty to his royal highness, and be guilty of countenancing a most dangerous delusion, were we to conceal from him our opinion that the pressure that now weighs so heavily on the resources of the country, is much more extensive in its operation, more severe in its effects, more deep and general in its causes, and more difficult to be removed than that which has prevailed at the termination of any former war. the first step to relieve the sufferings and redress the grievances of which the people so justly complain, and that to enable themselves to assist his royal highness by their advice in the performance of a duty so imperiously called for by the present situation of the country, they will lose no time in instituting a strict inquiry into the state of the nation." Mr. Bathurst said, the right hon. gentleman who moved the amendment had referred to the speech of the Prince Regent at the opening of the last session of parliament, and had asked, if the language there held on particular topics could now be justified? He thought it must be felt by every one, that circumstances might change, as in this case he was of opinion they had done, so as to make it the duty of ministers to come forward now with a statement materially differing from that which they were bound to make then. The right hon. gentleman had said, that the commerce, manufactures, and revenue of the country were at that time described to be in a flourishing state, and he had asked, if this had subsequently appeared? Not content with pressing this on the House, he had represented the agriculture of the country to have been spoken of in similar terms. Now, with respect to the then state of the agriculture of the country, nothing of the kind had been advanced; but the commerce of the country was at that time certainly in a flourishing condition. On the subject of the revenue of the country, it had been truly asserted by the noble mover of the address, to have been in a prosperous situation up to the month of April. Under these circumstances, he could not discover that there was any thing in that speech, or in the events which had since occurred, with which ministers could fairly be re "That we are firmly persuaded that the same exemplary patience and fortitude with which all ranks have hitherto borne the difficulties under which they labour, will continue to support them under such burthens as may be found indispensably necessary for the unavoidable exigencies of the public service, but that to maintain this disposition it is incumbent on this House, by a severe and vigilant exercise of its powers to prove to their fellow sub-proached.-The next topic to which the jects, that the sacrifices which it may be their painful duty to make, are strictly limited to the real necessities of the state. "That while we acknowledge the gracious dispositions announced in his royal highness's speech from the throne, we cannot help expressing our regret that his royal highness should not have been sooner advised to adopt measures of the most rigid economy and retrenchment, particularly with respect to our military establishments; that a prompt and effectual reduction in this and every other branch of our expenditure, his majesty's faithful Commons most naturally look as right hon. gentleman had adverted, was that part of the speech of last year, in which the Prince Regent had expressed his disposition to concur in such measures of economy as might be recommended to him by the House. Instead of intimating that he would lend himself to any such plan which they should adopt, his royal highness might have assured them that he would recommend such measures to the adoption of his ministers. This, however, had not been asserted in the speech, and nothing had occurred that could be proved to contradict the declaration of the disposition of his royal highness to favour re therefore, to state what reductions would have been made under other circumstances, or what were now in progress; as these must soon be brought in a regular way before the House, and they would be immediately followed by a motion for a full and complete investigation of the whole of the revenue and expenditure of the nation.-Leaving those allegations of the right hon. gentleman, which he had not followed up, to the eloquent explanations previously afforded by the mover and seconder of the address, he would remark, that inquiries into the present commercial and agricultural distress of the country appeared to be necessary under existing circumstances, in order to ascertain by what means they might be alleviated, and to determine whether one measure which suggested itself-the only one, he feared, by which they could be immediately relieved - would be necessary.-But the right hon. gentleman had next stated his views-not very fully to be sure-of the state of the finances of the country. Taking the utmost he could advance to be proved, it would be found to amount to little that could alarm, but it would be seen that at present he had no means of comparing the expenditure with the revenue of the country, until he knew what were the reductions that were to be made. Granting, however, that the comparison which he had attempted to make was in every respect correct, what was the result? Why, that the revenue of the country, with the sinking fund, was nearly on a par with its expenditure; and though we paid none off, we should not go en incurring debt. If this were to be regarded as that state of things which was to be permanent, he would grant that it would be very bad, as it would disappoint the reasonable hopes of the people, who had looked forward to see the public debt in the course of being paid off by means of the sinking fund. But he did not consider this situation of our affairs one at all likely to be permanent; and at present he thought it sufficient to express a hope that very short time would prove it but temporary. The right hon. gentleman had asked, how much of the distress was temporary? In reasoning on this subject, he had appeared to confound cause and effect. He had stated, that at present there was no surplus of revenue; that the revenue and expenditure were so completely balanced, that nothing remained of the former after the latter had been trenchment and economy. He thought it right to offer these remarks on the speech which had been alluded to, though at the same time he felt it had no immediate reference to the subject in debate. It was now seen that the Prince Regent had been advised to recommend retrenchment, and also to advise that which he thought the right hon. gentleman opposite must have passed over from what had fallen from him while introducing his amendment. He wished to direct the right hon. gentleman's attention to that paragraph in the speech, in which, after lamenting the deficiency in the revenue, the Prince Regent suggests to the House the propriety of entering into an early investigation of the state of the income and expenditure of the country. This recommendation was echoed in the address which had been moved, and it was proposed that the House should as sure his royal highness that they would not fail to enter into an early and serious investigation of the state of the income and expenditure of the country. Did the right hon. gentleman suppose his royal highness would have been advised to give such a recommendation, had not ministers been disposed to take the course which the right hon. gentleman wished them to take-had they not been sincerely desirous of such an inquiry? The retrenchment now recommended, the right hon. gentleman had said, was very well: but why was it not done sooner? On this subject he could not but think the right hon. gentleman manifested more than a fair impatience, as after a war of such magnitude and duration as the one recently brought to a close, it must be obvious that it was impossible at once to reduce the public expenditure to that which was suited to a time of peace. It must be a work of time. The right hon. gentleman had appeared to think the reductions in contemplation had been suspended for a few weeks, and were only at last brought forward, because parliament was about to assemble. From what he had said, it should almost seem that he was of opinion it was a new discovery on the part of ministers that parliament was to meet at all. It would however be felt that they knew parliament must meet, or the business could not go on; and, knowing this, it was not very likely that they should suspend the reductions about to take place for a few weeks till parliament again assembled. It would be in vain, met to pay off the public debt; but he did not show that this was what we had to expect. The right hon. gentleman had said that it was so; but there were two things to be taken into the reckoning -the reductions about to be made, and the probable improvement of the revenue. One circumstance which the right hon. gentleman had not dwelt on, was to be regarded as a cause of the falling off in the revenue. The agricultural distress had produced throughout the country a great diminution of the consumption of those articles on which the taxes and manufactories depended. It was at present impossible for the farmer to indulge in those luxuries and commodities which he formerly could purchase, and from which much of the public revenue arose. He therefore looked at that as one of the great causes of the present deficiency; and the late unfavourable harvest most undoubtedly aggravated the evil. Had the crops been housed earlier, he thought it probable that a different prospect would now have been presented to our view. On the subject of our commerce, the right hon. gentleman had appealed to commercial men if they saw any immediate prospect of an increase of trade. He had made this appeal as if ministers had held out a hope of discovering something new, by which the present depression might be removed. They had done nothing of the kind. Nothing new was expected or wanted; all they looked forward to, was a revival of trade. Last year we had a great export trade, and ministers now cherished the hope of seeing it again revive. He thought there could be nobody who did not see that a variety of causes had combined to produce the present effects, which were so severely felt; and no man could say at what precise moment they would cease: but, looking at the internal state of the country, and its external relations; looking at its wealth and resources, he was satisfied that confidence would revive and prosperity return, if no disturbances again broke out, like those to which some allusion had been made, and when the agricultural interest should be restored to its proper situation. He was unwilling to adopt the views of the right hon. gentleman, as he thought it would be seen that in the speech that had been recommended by the crown, and in the address, it was proposed to pledge the House to do that which the right hon. gentleman wished to be done, namely, to inquire into the state of the revenue and expenditure of the country. To him, therefore, it appeared, that the right hon. gentleman could obtain the object he had in view quite as well, and in a more regular way by the motion, than he could hope to gain it if his amendment were carried. On the observations which had been made as to the propriety of making those reductions sooner which were now to take place, he should only say, that till this period it had not been possible to arrange the estimates, so as to enable the House to see what were the views of government on the present state of the nation. concluded by declaring the amendment to be wholly unnecessary. He Mr. Lamb said, that the noble lord who had opened the debate, and the hon. gentleman who had seconded the address, had in some points touched upon and explained with ability the state and prospects of the country: they had forcibly dwelt with exultation on the general state and situation of the country, and in one of the topics of their gratulation he most fully concurred; he need not say that he alluded to the prompt undertaking and effective execution of the armament against Algiers. The hon. gentleman who seconded the address had, however, carried his feelings of eulogium into a sort of poetical enthusiasm on this event-he had described it as a proof to the nations of the earth that there was nothing selfish in the policy of Great Britain towards other powers-that her aid and co-operation were always in readiness to repress the injuries inflicted upon other states, and to relieve them in their hour of calamity. He was sorry to say, that he could not concur in this unlimited panegyric, and before the hon. gentleman who had framed it could have wound his mind up to such a pitch of affectionate credulity, he should have turned his eyes to the systems which England had revived in Europe, to the dynasties she had restored, and to the forms of government she had re-enacted. Had the hon. gentleman looked at the dynasties so restored by British influence, he would have had his answer as to the liberal and enlightened policy of our ministers, in those of Spain and other nations, which they had reared from their ashes. Had the expedition to Algiers been undertaken on other grounds than those of national insult, he for one would not have consented to its existence; great as was the principle connected with its object, he could never consent to Quixotic projects upon this general scale. England was, and he trusted ever would be, capable of maintaining her own dignity, and the Commons House of parliament, her just avenger, would ever assert her title to that uncompromising claim. There was certainly no triumph more pregnant with satisfaction, or calculated to excite more heartfelt gratitude, than that to which allusion had been made. It was to be hoped that our great object was, on that occasion, most fully and permanently established. The experience, indeed, of past ages, forbad any thing more decisive than the indulgence of a hope on such an occasion. He was satisfied that the conflict had been waged for a cause, of the justice of which there could exist no doubt, and that it had been conducted and terminated in the most efficient man-holder were as loud as they now were ner. It was greatly the interest of England, and indeed of the human race, that that atrocious traffic should have been abolished. On no other part of the speech could he bestow the same unqualified approbation. One paragraph in the Speeeh, which ascribed the present state of distress to the sudden termination of the war, was certainly founded upon a very unfair view of existing circumstances; it was affixing to the end of the war that consequence which ought to be attached to its continuance. It was not its conclusion, but its long continuance, that had produced the effects which were now visible, and which might have been obviated by the adoption of a different course of policy. The war was the cause, and the distinct cause of the present prevailing distress; and if it should appear in any future investigation, that an opportunity had been culpably lost of terminating that war, and, of course, with it, a part of the public distress, that was incidental to its continuance, then the culpability would attach to those who had so misconducted themselves, and who became thereby responsible for the distresses, the continuance of which they had caused. If, on the contrary, no fair opportunity had been lost of terminating the war, then the distresses which had arisen were unavoidable, and must be met by patience and forbearance. Our calamities had been produced by the war, though their complete pressure was not felt till the arrival of peace; they were thus connected with the peace in point of time, but they could not be traced to the peace as their cause. In this situation the great object for us to pursue was, not to propagate a delusion with respect to the cause of our distress, but to take every means of alleviating it, or preventing its extension, by supporting and maintaining public credit. He stated this opinion, not from any fear that the recommendaretions of those who attempted to justify a breach of the national faith would be attended to, but from a firm conviction, that breaking faith with the national creditor would bring no relief to the people, or tend to remove, in any degree, the embarrassments of the country. On the contrary, he was convinced that such conduct on the part of the legislature would aggravate and extend them. If we were to trust the dictates of experience, we had it in support of this opinion. Some time ago the complaints against the land against the fundholder. These complaints were now heard no more, for there was no reason for them. Rents had been reduced, the landed interests were straitened in their incomes, but who had benefited by the change? The distresses of the manufacturing and labouring classes, instead of being alleviated, had been increased; they had been deprived of employment by the reduced circumstances of those who employed them, and found no advantage in the diminution of the income of those against whose wealth they clamoured. Any interference with the fundholder, he was convinced, would be productive of similar effects, instead of relieving our distress. Our situation should be supported with that firmness and patience that could alleviate every calamity, instead of leading us to attempt plans and expedients which might aggravate temporary sufferings into irretrieveable ruin, by destroying entirely public confidence and national credit. But how were we to support public credit, if we did not resort to such expedients? He would answer-by economy and retrenchment. Parliament, he hoped, was prepared for entering into economical reductions; ministers, he hoped, were prepared for the task; and the country, he hoped, was likewise prepared. He said, he hoped the country was prepared for it; for, although he meant no reflection against any particular individuals, he could not refrain from observing that those who now called for economy and retrenchment might be sorry that they were adopted. It should be recollected, that retrenchment was not an unmixed good. A |