given to this gentleman. Ministers had last year proposed a vice-treasurer for Ireland with a salary of 3,000, a year: and we were told that that salary was necessary in order that a person of character and responsibility should be put in the

a year by the House; but sir George Hill, who had been recently appointed to the office, had been a lord of the Irish treasury, with a salary of only 1,000l. a year.

ther there would be any surplus in the quarter ending the 5th of July next. A Committee therefore, on a broad scale was absolutely necessary. The grievance existed in the conduct of that House. If that House had done its duty, he believed, in his conscience, that one half the ex-office. This salary was cut down to 2,000%. penditure we had been at might have been saved. Let the House, then, show a disposition to lighten the burthens of the people. We had concluded the war with success, beyond the expectation of the most sanguine; and yet the people were undergoing sufferings hitherto unparalleled. Was it matter of surprise then, if they should be guilty of using intemperate language? The right hon. gentleman might talk of a man, after great exertions, feeling lassitude, and being desirous of going home to his fire-side; but what must the poor men do who had no fire-side to go to? The public subcriptions must be continued, or general confusion would ensue. In most of the parishes in London the subscriptions would not hold out more than two months. What was then to be done? In St. James's workhouse, he was given to understand, there were, 1,000 poor within, and 2,000 without, who were willing to work, and supported by the mere charity of the day. If churchwardens were obliged to go round with the begging box, what was meant by say ing that there would be no necessity for any new taxes. The House had heard a great deal about reductions. But amidst all your reductions (said Mr. Tierney) show me one great man that has been dismissed. Had the right hon. gentleman's own salary been cut down? It was a comfort to have partners in distress. Had any example been set in the highest quarter? He saw no sacrifices made by the great officers. Some officers had been removed; but how? He did not mean to speak unpleasantly of any gentleman. He mentioned last year a grant of 10,000l. in the treasury department. From clerks of 100l. a year, 30l. or 401. had been taken away, and 70%. left to keep soul and body together. But a careful visitation on all was the best and only way to prevent discontent. A gentleman had been removed from the commissariat, and had retired upon 1,300l. a year, half his salary. But was this all? No. Ministers had cut out a new office in the civil list bill-an office which he asserted last year, and did now assert, was altogether useless. The half salary, together with the new office, was, however,

Mr. Tierney next alluded to the circumstance of Mr. Croker having claimed about 2501. under pretence of his being entitled to his war salary, in consequence of the expedition against Algiers. All this, he said, showed the principle upon which ministers acted. It showed that they could not be trusted out of sight. If the House had granted him the committee he last year called for, he would have examined the examiners. The noble lord now absent (lord Castlereagh) had indecently and disgracefully opposed his motion for a committee, and had immediately after appointed a committee of three gentlemen, members of parliament. God forbid that any excesses should take place. The only security against such excesses was to convince the people that we were ready to share their distresses. When any thing was to be done that was of a pleasant nature, ministers took the merit of it to themselves; but when any thing was to be done of a contrary nature, the odium of it was to be thrown upon that House; and all this, in order that ministers might keep their places. How dared they, when they knew the begging box was going round, defer the meeting of parliament? At such a period, how could gentlemen be better employed than in attending to their parliamentary duties? It would now be seen how those gentlemen would act, who said last year that they would not support ministers, unless they strictly practised economy. What proofs were there that they were sincere in their professions. With respect to the committee of inquiry, he proposed that it should report from day to day. Let them make a report on the office of third secretary of state-an office which was perfectly useless. He would also propose, that not one placeman should be a member of this committee. As constituted at present, the committee was all a delusion. He should not enter on the topic of our future expenditure till he knew what line of foreign policy was intended. The

the reform of this House, agreeably to the laws and constitution of the land, this House being decidedly of opinion, that justice and humanity, as well as policy, call, at this time of universal distress, for measures of conciliation and not of rigor, towards a people who have made so many and such great sacrifices, and who are now suffering in consequence of those sacrifices, all the calamities with which a nation can be afflicted."

The above amendment not being seconded, fell, of course, to the ground. The address was then agreed to; and the House adjourned at half past three on Friday morning.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

tants of Cornwall regularly convened and signed by the sheriff, stated, that the petitioners prayed for retrenchment and economy, and a general reduction in all the departments of the public expenditure. The petitioners referring also to the inadequate representation of the people in that House, prayed that that important subject should be taken into immediate consideration, with a view to remedy the evils complained of, and to alleviate the public distress, which was mainly attributable to the deficient state of the popular representation. This petition, the hon. baronet observed, was totally free from any of those wild theories or rash experiments which unfortunately emanated from other assemblies professing to have reform in view. His constituents had, he Friday, January 31. had the satisfaction to say, no concern CONFERENCES WITH THE LORDS.] whatever in such transactions. Having Mr. Wynn, alluding to the late conference stated their opinions in a proper and reswith the Lords on the subject of the out-pectful manner, they left the subject of rage committed on the Prince Regent, reform to be considered by the superior and the deviation that had then taken place wisdom and sound discretion of that from the usual forms of such a proceeding, House. With their views, therefore, he informed the House that he had prepared cordially concurred, and he should supa motion on that subject in conformity port the principles of reform, as he had with their desire. The accommodation done throughout his life, from the time that had formerly been prepared for that important measure was brought forthe managers on the part of the Commons ward by sir George Savile. He hoped had been withheld, and there had been a and trusted that a committee would be general deviation from the forms that had appointed to consider the subject of this for 150 years been established, and in- petition, or that the House itself would serted in the Journals of the House. No resolve into a committee, for the purpose notice had been taken of the circum- of fully considering its merits. The hon. stance during the last conference, on ac- baronet concluded with stating, that he count of the peculiar circumstance that had two petitions from Cornwall upon the had occasioned it, and the importance of same subject, the one having 300 and the which had absorbed every other feeling. other 5,000 signatures. He concluded by moving the following The first petition was read. It stated, resolution: "That a message be sent to that until the people were adequately rethe Lords, to inform their lordships that presented in that House, there could be this House, taking notice, that in the no hope of public economy, no security manner of holding the last conference, for popular freedom. The petitioners there was some departure from the ancient urged further, that if the people had and accustomed forms, and that the usual been faithfully represented, no such accommodation was not provided for the measures would have been adopted managers for the Commons, do desire that as had so materially violated their rights, these matters may not be drawn into pre-injured their interests, and augmented cedent, and that their lordships will give the public taxes, especially within the directions that the place of meeting be last twenty-five years. That if a prorestored to its former state."

The resolution was agreed to, and Mr. Wynn was ordered to carry the said message to the Lords.

PETITIONS RELATING TO REFORM, &c.] Sir W. Lemon, in rising to present a Petition from the freeholders and inhabi

per system of representation had existed, the public debt, which at the close of the reign of king William did not exceed 17 millions, would not have been raised to the enormous amount of 1,100 millions. That the standing army, which at the conclusion of the treaty of Ryswick was reduced to 7,000 men, would not upon

tainly should endeavour to justify it, by giving all the support in his power to promote the success of that important object which the petitioners sought to attain. Those who had heard, or who had had an opportunity of reading the discussions which took place at the meeting from which this petition emanated, could not fail highly to estimate the eloquence, the talents, the learning and the argument by which it was distinguished, and the title of such a meeting, to the attention of parlia

the present peace establishment have
amounted to 150,000 men. That the
odious property-tax would never have
been imposed. That the free people of
England would never have been involved
in an unjust and unnecessary war against
the freedom of France. That laws so
hostile to liberty as had been passed in the
course of that war would never have been
agreed to. That our fellow subjects of
Ireland would not have been condemned
to suffer the horrid infliction of torture,
while the authors and abettors of that bar-ment.
barous practice were allowed to enjoy not
merely impunity, but reward and ad-
vancement. Such were the consequences
which the petitioners ascribed to a system
of representation under which the whole
of that House was elected by little more
than 15,000 persons, while a decided ma-
jority were appointed by peers and other
individuals, while by a distinct resolution
of that House, peers were forbidden to
interfere in the election of any member of
that House. Therefore, the petitioners
urged that the great mass of the people
were excluded from any substantial in-
fluence in the election of the House, and
that an oligarchical faction had actually
usurped the sovereignty of the country to
the equal danger of King, Lords, and
Commons. They therefore prayed the
House to take into their immediate and
serious consideration the grievances of
which the petitioners complained, and to
give them such relief in the premises as to
the House should seem fit; they wished
for nothing more than that constitution
which was their birthright; they prayed
only to be substantially and adequately
represented, in full, frequent, and new
parliaments: this would satisfy the wishes
and appease the discontents of the na-
tion: it would give them indemnity for
the past and security for the future; it
would restore and preserve the lost balance
of the constitution, and establish a hap-
py union and good agreement between
king and people. On the motion that the
petition do lie on the table,

Mr. Brand rose to second the motion, and in so doing he felt, he said, peculiar gratification, as well from a solicitude for the object which the petition had in view, and the tone in which it was expressed, as from just deference for the invitation with which he had been honoured by the meeting, from which this petition emanated. To the character of that invitation he could not be insensible, and he cer(VOL. XXXV.)

It were anxiously to be wished that all the meetings which had taken place upon the subject of reform, had been influenced by the wise example upon which this petition proceeded; that the same spirit of moderation, firmness, and good sense had universally prevailed. The existence and pressure of the public distress alluded to by the petitioners, could not be denied; but it might be said that the remedy which they proposed was doubtful. He, however, was fully convinced that a parliamentary reform would be the most safe and efficacious remedy that could be devised to relieve and to satisfy the country. But in stating this opinion he begged to be distinctly understood as in no degree concurring with those vague, dangerous, and impracticable doctrines, which some persons had the temerity, the wildness, and he would say, the audacity to promulgate. These doctrines were, indeed, not only rash and dangerous, but totally novel, for notwithstanding the confidence with which they were advanced, it was an indisputable fact, that such doctrines had no foundation whatever in the history of our constitution or country. For his own part, he had no hesitation in stating his conviction, that the repeal of the septennial law would serve to restore the best practice of the constitution. As for the proposition of universal suffrage, he decidedly disapproved of it. He should, indeed, feel it his bounden duty to oppose the adoption of that principle, convinced that it would tend not only to produce universal confusion, but lead to the total destruction of the popular part of the constitution. But to return to the petition before the House, he had the more satisfaction in supporting it, as it presented a striking contrast to that farrago of absurdities under the name of petitions, which had been lately introduced. This petition contained a temperate statement of undeniable grievances, and solicited constitu(L)

The petition was ordered to lie on the and tranquillity of the country would be