negroes than among the whites, the one conforming to multimodal and wide distribution, and the other to the normal curve. A larger study is now being made at the University of Georgia using the same standards in the effort to test the results already offered. Professor Woodworth years ago made some measurement of sense difference in races and lately Professor Pyle of Missouri, Professor Morse of South Carolina, and others have found such measurements practical and resulting in tangible measurements.

Finally if a standard of community efficiency or general social development be desired, a measuring scale of progress may be provided to include the fundamental activities of community life subdivided into practical objective units of study. Thus in the measurement of a rural group, the following twenty heads are practical as a standard for measuring the development of any people or race. Farming efficiency, merchandise and exchange, transportation, communication, finance, organization and cooperation, health and sanitation, social satisfactions, the rural church, the rural school, civic education and effort, publicity and uplift mediums, womanhood, the home and family, rural aesthetics, development of leadership, recognition of leadership, rural values, growth and expansion, and coöperation with government. With such a scale properly subdivided and pro-rated the actual efficiency can be numerically indicated and one group compared impartially with other groups. If a similar measuring scale be desired for the city group, the units of measurements to be subdivided ought to provide for at least the following heads: Administration of government, city planning, public works, public health, sanitation and housing, charities, corrections, safety, public education, financial organization, civic uplift and general social services, private services to the municipality, and services to the adjacent rural communities. Such standards of measurement provide for a somewhat different sort of estimate of development and must be applied before a composite estimate of total development can be had.

In conclusion, certain qualifications should be empha

sized. It is very clear that classification and objective measurements are the important considerations; that measurement of race development ought to be made in the same scientific way as other measurements; that inasmuch as there are no agreements either in individuals or groups, the effort should be made to determine the modal measurements. Instead of presuming to pass wholesale judgment upon a race or upon races, this paper submits, on the contrary, the problem of measuring race development as a scientific question upon which there is as yet little final information. In pursuance of the methods suggested two graduate studies are now being pursued at the University of Georgia, the one a study of group characteristics or character and the other a study of potentials as found in mental reactions and school progress. It should be urged that the method of this paper provided originally that the published efforts concerning the negro in this country be classified according to the respective standards of measurement attempted; that detailed references be cited to illustrate the methods suggested; that summaries of results and the present status of knowledge on the subject be attempted; and that the paper be characterized by more completeness of enumeration than by suggestiveness. These tasks themselves constitute a separate study well worth undertaking.

A paper constitution, French clothes and German guns, to the young Turks, appeared to possess a wand with which to transform Turkey from a nauseating cesspool of all that was rotten into a fresh spring bubbling over with constitutional life. By the mere recital of the formula "Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité" Enver Pasha's troupe managed to get an applause which, however, did not last long. Even the wretched population of Turkey itself was fooled with the rest of the world; but it did not take very long before all eyes were open. The whole thing was a farce and the following scenes will prove it to be such.

Scene 1-The Army

The young Turks staked their salvation on the Army, especially since their present ally, Austria, gobbled up Bosnia and Herzegovina. They aimed at saving the country territorially. As long as they were in possession of territory it seemed to make but little difference to them in what condition it was. The traditions of the Empire were military and they had to be preserved by the new

régime at any cost. With fear from without and military instincts for a stimulant, the so-called modernization of the army began.

The most radical innovation was the conscription of non-Moslems. The underlying principle which aimed at unifying and Ottomanizing the conglomerate population was sublime but its application by the Young Turks was ridiculous. A little bit of history mixed with a grain of common sense could have shown the new party its error. It does not require very keen powers of observation to note that the make-up of the Near East is eminently religious. Its temperament, traditions, and whole atmosphere are permeated with religion. The Turkish soldier flung himself fearlessly at his foes in order to defend his Faith. While serving in the Turkish Army the writer marked the significant use of the word "martyr." Officers and men in speaking of a comrade killed in battle used the word "martyred" instead of "killed." To die in the ranks, with them, was martyrdom. The young Turks exploded this orthodox theory by admitting infidels into the army and thus upset the philosophy of Mohammedan warfare. "Ottomanism" was substituted for religion as a bond, and as an incentive to action, but it stirred neither Jew nor gentile because it stood for nothing tangible. Only a religious wave could lift Turkey in a body and dash it forcibly against a common enemy. As it is the Mohammedan world has lost confidence in the Young Turks which is so clearly proven by the failure of the recent proclamation for a holy war. This new national ideal of "Ottomanism" failed hopelessly to inspire Moslems, Christian and Jew to fight for it, first because it was too novel, abstract and unreal for the half-baked Near East and secondly because of the unfairness of the Young Turks themselves in subordinating the interest of every one else to their own. Their failure in this matter of religion can not be over-emphasized; for the line of demarkation in Turkey is first religious, then racial. As Frederic Bliss aptly points out, the word "religion" is synonymous with "composition," "make up" and "identity." In asking

THE JOURNAL OF RACE DEVELOPMENT, VOL. 5, No. 4, 1915

what kind of a machine an aeroplane is the vernacular Arabic says "What is its religion?" A street fight takes place in Jerusalem, "What is the trouble?" you ask and for an answer you will get "A Moslem is beating a Jew" or "a follower of the Greek Church is fighting with a Catholic" thus using one's religious denomination to identify him.

As it is today military service is the most unpopular institution in Turkey. It is relentlessly compulsory on males between twenty and forty. The German may deem it a privilege to serve in the army and fight for the Fatherland, but the Young Turks, even with their German military training could not persuade the people of Turkey to think likewise. Conditions in both Empires are not alike and by introducing the German system with all its severity, the Young Turkish Party was putting "new wine in old bottles." Military service is a cursed obligation in Turkey and all those that can possibly escape it do so. It is abject slavery for a score of years which is divided into three terms.

1. Nizami, military service proper, 3 years.

2. Ihtiat, reserve Class A, 6 years.

3. Redif, reserve Class B, 11 years.

The author paid $280 plus three months service to secure exemption from the first term. On the completion of the three months he was listed a reserve which meant that every time he was called upon for the next seventeen years, he was either to bear arms or pay another installment of nearly $160. Money may be refused and service demanded if the need for men were pressing. Many men have paid the fee three times over and are today fighting in this war.

But why is service in the Turkish Army any worse than it is in any other, the reader might ask. Why are not the people of Turkey willing to fight for their country?

1. First of all they do not feel that they are fighting for their own country. They are forced to fight and thus perpetuate a heavy foreign yoke which they detest.