honor and ultimate advantage of enforcing the law of nations, and of being reverenced as the protectors of the feeble against the oppression of the strong. England is content provided only consols be at par, and her own coasts are secure against any immediate attack of a foreign enemy. From the Economist, 6th Aug. THE TURKISH CRISIS. Ir is not easy to say whether the prospect of a peaceful solution of the Eastern quarrel becomes more or less encouraging. Indications, it is thought, have appeared of a willingness on the part of the Czar to listen to negotiation. We must not forget, however, that he may naturally enough do this without the slightest intention of receding from his demands, moderating his pretensions, and avoiding an ultimate rupture- since he has already occupied two large provinces of the Sultan's dominions, and by retaining them during the negotiation may gain quite as much, or even more, than he could hope to do by immediate advance; while it would be possible for him at any moment, when he thought that a favorable opportunity presented itself, to break off diplomatic proceedings, and march directly to his end. We still hope and believe that war may be avoided; but we are above all things anxious that it should not be warded off either by the sacrifice of Turkey or by any concession or retrocession inconsistent with the honor and high principle of England. In the mean time, whatever be the final issue, we have the satisfaction of feeling that everything has been done both by our own government and by that of Louis Napoleon to pursue peace; and that both nations, while acting honestly and heartily in concert, have shown a becoming desire to close no door and to leave no avenue untried by which Europe may be saved from having recourse to the doubtful and disastrous arbitrement of arms. The feeling of the English people, and the tone of the British press, have been on the whole wonderfully unanimous throughout the crisis. There are, however, here and there a few voices raised in criticism and in condemnation. We confess that we cannot understand either the sentiments or the reasoning of those who consider that the British government has acted wrongly in promptly sustaining Turkey in her rejection of unjust demands, or that the resolution of the British people to back their government and stand by their ally is a matter of regret and blame. That there is much to admire in the character and habitual conduct of the Russian Emperor that he is an able, dignified, and high-minded sover eign we readily admit and have always proclaimed. But that any one who has followed the history of this struggle, and has read the various documents issued by the contending parties; who remembers that the original demand put forth by Russia as all that she required, with the cognizance and consent of the great Powers of Europe, was at once and fully and formally acceded to; that all the privileges asked for on behalf of the Greek Christians were guaranteed by a solemn firman, with which the Russian ambassador declared himself satisfied; that immediately afterwards a renewed and hitherto unsuspected demand was made which would have constituted, not the aggregate of the Christian Powers, but the Russian Emperor alone, the official protector of five-sixths of the subjects of the Sultan; and that this demand was made peremptorily, insolently, and with studied and ostentatious arrogance: - that any one who recollects all this can still speak of the moderation and reasonable claims of Russia, appears to us rather incredible than surprising. Further, that any one who has read the proclamation addressed by Nicholas to the fanaticism of his subjects, and the recent circular with its glaring misrepresentations of fact and its violation of ordinary diplomatic courtesies, can doubt that the Einperor's desire has been not to avoid but to pick a quarrel not to obtain a right but to perpetrate a wrong is more surprising still. But, lastly, that any one who has watched the steady, pertinacious, unrelenting course of Russian aggression, who has studied Russian history or Russian diplomacy, who knows the natural desires and necessities of Russian policy, or who has read with attention the succinct statement we gave last week of Russian encroachments and aggrandizementscan affect to doubt that the possession of Constantinople is her ultimate aim, and that this movement, and every movement she has made in the south for the last forty years, are only so many stealthy and persevering steps towards the realization of that aim is the most surprising phenomenon of all. We grant the imposing character, the statesmanlike capacity, the consistent and dignified behavior of the Czar of Russia, and his high sense of public duty; - but we know that the grandeur and enrichment of his empire is and naturally must be his chief aim, and that he regards this as his most sacred obligation; and we know, as well as he does, that the possession of Constantinople and the subjugation of Roumelia are essential to the attainment of that secure, commanding, and paramount position among the powers of Europe, which he desires and ought to desire for the country whose destinies are committed to his charge; - and it is because we know all this — because - we know that his ambition is grand, system-those in whose estimation war is too terrible atic, consistent, and sane - because we an evil to be encountered for any cause short know that he understands thoroughly the in- of national independence-who regard the terests of Russian greatness and supremacy, obligations of alliance, the safety of our comand holds it a solemn duty to pursue them merce, and the preservation of our distant daringly and unremittingly that we enter- dependencies, as unimportant considerations tain not the smallest doubt as to the ulterior when weighed against the horrors of a bloody designs which dietate his present proceedings and protracted strife. But we do not comand lie hid under all his protestations. prehend how those who stop short of this exWe can perfectly understand the ideas and treme conclusion; who admit that hostilities arguments of those who hold that we ought to though to be deprecated as costly, to be have no continental alliances whatever; that shunned as vulgar, to be avoided as foolish we should abstain from all interference either and unchristian may yet become wise, just, in the internal or the international affairs of and necessary, even when national existence Europe; that when we see barbarous and des- is not immediately and visibly at stake; and potic sovereigns oppressing and murdering who are prepared to face a grievous evil for their subjects, or powerful states bullying and sacred and adequate considerations can hespartitioning their weaker neighbors, we should itate to approve of the resolute and unflinchsimply "look on and pass by on the other ing attitude of England at the present crisis. side;" that we should hold ourselves aloof If she is not to risk war in defence of a faithfrom what concerns no material interests of ful and unoffending ally; if she is not to risk ours, and pursue our course of sublime and it to prevent the perpetration of a great selfish isolation, regardless of the fate of wrong; if she is not to risk it to prevent Rusothers. But what we cannot understand is, sia from subduing Turkey, and, now or soon, that politicians who do not hold this hideous seizing Constantinople-she must proclaim and shallow doctrine in all its nakedness, and that she has sheathed her sword forever. who are not prepared to carry it out to all its It is not likely that any dearer or more urgent consequences, should not at once perceive case will arise in Europe. In the warning that if there ever was a case in which we language of our marriage service: -"Let her could not honorably refuse to interpose if speak now, or ever after hold her peace." there ever was an ally whom we were bound to support if there ever were engagements which, on every principle, both of wisdom and integrity, we must adhere to such have now presented themselves in this Eastern dispute. But, in truth, this is not the question we have to decide. If England flinches now, she may bid adieu to peace forever. She has announced her conviction that Turkey is right, and her resolution to support her; and if she now backs out of the controversy, she We can understand, too, the reasoning of proclaims to all the world, in language which those who are of opinion that our Indian pos- the world will not be slow to take advantage sessions are a burden and not a treasure to of, either that she will not, or dare not, or us; that we should be richer, happier, more can not, maintain what she deems right, or peaceful, and more powerful, were we to cast carry out what she has resolved to do. This them to the winds, or to surrender them to is what Russia is now anticipating, and what Russia; that our influence in the Levant is has emboldened her to a course which a few mere moonshine; and that as long as we can years ago she would scarcely have ventured sail our ships and sell our manufactures by to take. She is deliberately calculating on reason of their superior cheapness an ad- our weakness, our love of peace, our hatred of vantage of which no potentate can deprive us expenditure; and if, by receding now before we need wish for nothing more, and need her, we show that her calculation is correct, not care who possess this territory or that the same calculation will be made, the same port. But that any one who values India, game will be played, and the same result exand is prepared to retain and defend it, who pected, whenever any one of the great powers regards England as a great empire and not as finds it desirable to bully an ally or to trample a little workshop, and who knows how much on an interest of England. We shall not even of our safety depends upon our naval avoid war by such a course of yielding; we and especially our Mediterranean supremacy, shall invite it entail it necessitate it. should profess willingness to permit Russia to The only difference will be that, whereas now plant herself on the Bosphorus and the Egean, we have a good cause, a high prestige, an and regard it as a matter of indifference honorable character, a formidable name-on whether the key of our Eastern communica- future occasions, if we yield now, we shall tion be held by a harmless friend or by a for- enter on our inevitable and self-incurred midable rival-this, we confess, passes our struggles with damaged reputation, with dipowers of comprehension. minished strength, and with the odds against us fearfully increased. We can understand, finally, the feelings of STAND AGAINST RUSSIAN ENCROACHMENT. To the Editor of the Spectator. your Pimlico, 2d August, 1853. SIRI, in common with many of readers, have been much pleased with the decided tone in which you have shown the duty and necessity of making a firm stand against the encroachments of Russia; and it is to be hoped that a very short time will now suffice to inform us either that the Czar is about to disgorge the prey that he has seized, er that we are at once to take the most decisive measures to make him do so. But even if the present crisis is got over pacifically, it is quite clear that the equilibrium of European affairs will still be far from stable; and, with your permission, I wish to direct your attention to some points to which I think the efforts of diplomacy should be turned. 1st. I think that we should not go out of our way to secure the alliance of Austria; because any assistance that she can render would be nearly counterbalanced by our having our hands tied in regard to Hungary and Italy, and perhaps we might thus be almost compelled to lend our active aid in support ing tyranny and misgovernment in these coun ity of trade; and, as a final result, all our efforts should be directed towards the attainment at last of an entire reciprocity of the privileges of citizenship between the two nations. The Anglo-Saxon race would then form the greatest federal union the world has yet seen, and constitute the surest bulwark of liberty against despotism that has ever yet been erected. Hoping that your powerful pen may be directed to these objects, I am your obedient servant, to official DAVID THOMSON. From the Spectator, 30th July. NEW RUSSO-DANISH QUESTION. WHILE the Danish government appears to be taking steps which might, in certain not improbable events, precipitate the Russian succession to the throne of Denmark, references forth a wish that the relation of our own made in Copenhagen call papers government to the whole affair were more distinctly explained. Our readers have already been made to understand the order in which the succession is fixed for the Danish throne-how, if the direct issue fail, as very likely it will, the Prince Christian of Glücks2d. In opposing the Emperor of Russia, we should fail, as it may, the case is once more burg is appointed; and how, if his issue also ought to take care that we do not commit to be referred to the powers who were parties ourselves to the achievement of impossibili- to the treaty of London. The King of Denties; amongst which, I am afraid, we must mark, however, has proceeded a step further now reckon the upholding the independence than the convention of London, and has enof the Turkish Empire, and perhaps also driv-deavored to procure the repeal of the "lex ing the Russians out of the Danubian Provinces. But we might perhaps, without doing either, find some means of establishing by degrees a better régime at Constantinople, and securing at once the free navigation of the tries. Danube. 3d. In the event of another European war, it seems certain that the United States will have a powerful influence on its fortunes either directly or indirectly; and our efforts ought to be directed to securing their being at once received into the councils of the "Great Powers," so that, whether it is to be war or peace, they may take their proper place in the affairs of the world. If this can be accomplished, I believe it would do more for securing the peace and general progress of the human race than all the peace societies that have ever existed. The more numerous the great powers entering into any guarantee, the less likely is it that any one could venture to set the rest at defiance; and we would at the same time be no longer left alone as the only state attached to principles of liberty and progress. In every point of view, our true policy regia" of 1665; the result of which would have been, that if no proposition had been made to the Allied Powers, the Emperor of Russia would step in to take the succession. The ostensible object of the London convention to the Duchies, where the Salic law is enforced, was to prevent that diversity in the succession and to the Danish succession, where the Salic law is suspended by the lex regia, and thus to prevent the separation of the Duchies from Denmark. That purpose was wholly answered and the repeal of the lex regia, therefore, is by the arrangement under the convention; surplusage, unless it is intended to answer made now too plainly to appear. Should the which has perhaps been not to be denied that Russia, by having present Turkish quarrel be hushed up, it is weakened the Porte, will still have made good another purpose, a considerable advance in her encroachments towards the Dardanelles; she is now making covert approaches by a dynastic channel to the command of the Sound. The extract which the Copenhagen corre spondent of the Times draws forth is one from seems to be to draw closer our connection with * Living Age, No. 480, article "The Darda the United States; first, by an entire reciproc-nelles and the Sound." In Beyout, and the parts of Lebanon adjacent, there are declared Protestants to the number, perhaps, of three hundred or more. There are also professed Protestants in considerable numbers in Palestine. a despatch by the Danish envoy in London to the Danish minister of foreign affairs, dated on the 20th May last; in which the writer reports Lord Clarendon to have made light of the alarm expressed by "good Danish patriots," when the Reichstag thought it necesBut the success of the mission is not to be sary to reject the royal proposition. Lord estimated solely by the number of church members, or by the number of declared Protestants Clarendon, says the report, insisted that the now known. Their books and schools, their treaty of London would remove those dan-various public and private discussions, have had gers by making the Danish succession an Eu- a wider influence. There are many, besides the ropean question." Russia, however, has classes of persons just referred to, whose minds shown so great a pertinacity and skill in are much enlightened, whose prejudices are making use of accidents, that it is natural weakened, and who acknowledge the Bible as the for " good Danish patriots" to dislike the supreme authority, in matters of faith and idea of removing any barrier which exists practice. against her encroachments; and when an English minister is reported to make light of apprehensions on this subject, such a report lends color of a disagreeable kind to other reports on the subject of Turkey. We do not attach the slightest credit to the representations that Lord Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon have shown favor to Russian ideas in the East; but many circumstances in the course of the Oriental question incline us to doubt whether English ministers are on their guard against such surprises as Russia is but too evidently preparing in the Baltic. From the Spectator, 6th Aug. THE exposure of the intrigues in Denmark has at last had the effect of calling attention to the movements of Russia in that quarter, Covert as those movements may have been. There has indeed been a disposition to make a feigned attack upon the Danish government for its irregular proceedings, so as to cover the real attack, and to pass off the intrigues of the court as much lighter matters than they really are. But a knowledge of the subject has gone beyond any single efforts to disguise it. Many of the journals are now taking up the discussion, upon the whole, with sound knowledge and clear insight. Thus, in various ways, light and truth have been gradually but widely diffused, and an important work accomplished, preparatory to still further results, which may hereafter be looked for among the inhabitants of this interesting country. The direct influence of the American schools, publications, and religious services, on the public mind in the Lebanon, is sufficiently encouraging to warrant increased exertions, and to excite well-grounded hopes that the cause of evangelical truth will at length be crowned with the most cheering success. The spirit of inquiry has been largely awakened. Copies of the Arabic Bible may be seen in most of the villages, in the Druse mountains, and the religious controversial discussions which are now so common, particularly amongst the lower orders, afford unquestionable evidence that they are anxious, whatever may be the result, to have reasons for the faith that is in them. Hundreds, though openly acknowledging the errors and unchristian practices of their church, yet excuse favor of the purer tenets to which their consciences consent, on the plea of the difficulties of their position, and the disruption of family ties and relations, which would be consequent on their deviating from the usages and customs of their forefathers. themselves from an outward declaration in Such a state of feeling, however, cannot long exist in any Christian community, for it entails Here again an explanation is due from our upon its possessors the painful necessity of government. Whatever reasons might have attending religious ceremonies which they regard been advanced, some months back, to justify as fictitious inventions, and submitting to praca convention which collaterally tended to tices which their enlightened understandings remove intermediate claims between the Rus- have learned to reject as vain and superstitious. sian dynasty and the Danish throne, the And, indeed, a very general opinion exists to whole subject is now presented in a different this day, in the southern portion of the Lebanon light; and, deceived as our statesmen may dencies of the people who have just been adverted -grounded, no doubt, on the remarkable tenhave been, north and south, it becomes a ques-to-that not many years will elapse before tion of great interest to know what they are doing in Denmark at the present moment. Evangelical Protestantism will have reclaimed within its fold, provided the means for its organization be ample and complete, no inconsiderable portion of its Christian population. Moreover, the disgraceful dissensions which exist in the Greek and Greek Catholic communities, tend greatly to alienate their flocks from a system of church government, which gives scope to irregularities so utterly at variance with the commonest principles of decency and decorum. Mount Lebanon, by Col. Churchill. LITTELL'S LIVING AGE.-No. 487.-17 SEPTEMBER, 1853. - A POETRY: The Listening Angels-The Little Shoe, 705; The Englishman in Venice Good Night, 706; The Sonnet, 747. SHORT ARTICLES: Demise of Lady Sale-Passage in Burial Service, 744; Encyclopedia Portrait of a Ci-Devant Jeune Britannica, 751; Angelica, 756; The Fettered Press Homme, 764; Disk Steam Engine - Effigies with Folded Hands, 767. NEW BOOKS: Poems by Meditatus, Notes on Uncle Tom's Cabin, The Wigwam and the Cabin, &c., &c., 768. From Household Words. THE LISTENING ANGELS. BLUE against the bluer heavens Listening leant those silent angels, And I also longed to hear I heard the sound of many trumpets, Passed in order by. But the clang had ceased; the echoes Soon had faded from the hill; While the angels, calm and earnest, Leant and listened still. But the chant was done; and, lingering, Yet from the hill the radiant angels Silent came the gathering darkness, Through the sounds of war and labor But the starry night was coming, From the Louisville Journal. THE LITTLE SHOE. BY MARY NEAL I FOUND it here- a worn-out shoe, All mildewed with time, and wet with dew. It tells of the little fairy child |