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173, Note

150

152

ibid.

157

154

155, 146

C ο Ν Τ Ε Ν Τ S. LE Tory Birciples receitary parlies 123

Experiment to prove dogs never sweat Spirited speech' of Edward' iv. ibid. And on the nature of phosphorus ibid The life of Sir Walter Raleigh 149 Method to preserve the roads from rutts His fuccelies, and favour at court

ibid. In disgrace with James I.

151

to catch a large quantity of 6M 174 His unfortunate lait voyage

Proof of the truth of Chrittianity His death and chiaracter ibid. Stupidity of infidelity

ibid. The JOURNAL of a learned and political Great improvements in agriculture and CLUB, &c. continued 153-159 gardening

175 SPEECH of Cn. Cornelius Cethegus on By which thore sciences are united ibid. the management the lottery 153– And the poor maintained

ibid. Condition of Spain

176 Result of the inquiry thereon ibid. Account of the publick works at Chatham Clerks and underlings, jobbers and op

ibid. pressors

And of the chest for relief of seamen 177 Regulations for the lottery, how evaded Mathematical solutions

ibid. Fable from La Motte

178 Subsance of those regulations ibid, Vindication of the clergy

ibid. To whom the late lock-jobbing spirit is Plan to pievent robberies

179 to be ascribed

556, 157

Suhterraneous caverns discovered ibid. Speech of C. Numitius, in defence of POLTRY. The conftant" thepherders, set the manager ibid. to music

180 The manager's conduct excused 158 Damon and Phillis

ibid. His error arising from zeal for the pub. A new country dance

181 lick ibid, CAMUS

ibid. Who cannot be benefitted by the inquiry, Hymn on ift Chron. xiii 16. 182

159

Extract from The Tomb of Shakespear ibid. Judicious reflections on our trade with A defcription of the morning

183 France

160 Prologue at a performance of the Mourn. Observations on travelling to France 161 ing Bride

ibid, Use of French wines pernicious

ibid. Verses written at Montauban ibid. England and France compared 162 Moral reflection on ingratitude 184 Vait fums given to France ibid. To John Keeling, Esq;

ibid. Elegance and dignity of the Scriptures 163 Ænigma ; rebus

ibid. Particular beauties pointed out in them Upon Johnson's dictionary

188 ibid. The MONTHLY CHRONOLOGER 185 Their evident superiority above other wri Directions to stop fires

ibid. tings

164 Governors and directors of the Bank Mischiefs from certain modern sects 165 chosen

ibid. The polite arts encouraged

166 Resolution of the house of commons 186 And flourishing in Britain

ibid. Indigo and folk from our colonies ibid Letter from Q Caih, to Hen. VIII. 167 Seilions at the Old-Bailey

ibid. Experiments of M. Navier on Limc-water Subscription to the lottery

ibid. ibid. Leheup's trial

197 Dangers attending the use of it ibid, Bounties to seamen

ibid. Oxford letter to the king of Naples 168

River dried up

ibid. Conclusion of the bishop of Clogher, on Aits patred ; king's speech

ibid. petrifications

ibid. Sefiions åt the Old Bailey; aflizes 186, 188 Insects lodged in None

ibid. Murder, fires, storms, collections 185, Petrifications accounted for 169

186, 187 Particularly that of thells ibid. Cure for the bite of a mad dog

188 Remarks on Barbarolta concluded 170 Marriages and births

ibid Inconveniencies of modern tragedy ibid. Deaths

ibid. Difference between Sophocles and Euripi Eccletiastical preferments

140 des

ibid. Promotions civil and military 190 Extraordinary case of a mortal priapism Alterations in the list of parliament ibid. 171 Bankrupts

ibid. Cure for the diseased cattle

ibid. Plays, &c. acted at the Theatres ibid. Account of the mineral called Cobalt ibid. A catalogue of books

191 Caution to sedentary persons

172

Prices of stocks and grain ; wind, wea. Of the cure of the hydrophobia ibid. ther

192 Dipping in the sea not efficacious ibid. Monthly bill of mortality

ibid. Camphire a specifick for it

ibil. A comprehenfive account of Johnson's And may cure it by being worn ibid. dictionary

193 – 200 We are fill

, for want of room, obliged to defer the favours of many of our kind correspondents; and some particularly, refired to be inferied ibis montb, came too late ; which was ibe caje of ibe'ode of F. 1. H. of Cornwall, I be declaration recomanended by R, 1. Jhull be inferred in in ibe Míay: for Midy.

Τ Η Ε

LONDON MAGAZINE,

APRIL, 1755

ledges he has no right to think different To the AUTHOR of the LONDON from the establishment in either case. MAGAZINE.

Whereas, every Whiz must imagine him. SIR,

self above all these ; because he imagines

he has a right to think, and determine PHERE is nothing should for himself in each particular. And cer.

more excite our curioti. tainly it is the nature of that man, who

ty, than to hear what A thinks he has a privilege of accepiing or T foreigners think of our refuling whatever parts he pleases in any

nation in general ; and government, to be less bound by it, than as some letters on the those who look on the three abovementi.

English nation have been oned articles as sacred. Tie conftitution

lately tranflated and pub. is for ever unilable from principle, in the Jithed in Englith, which were wrote by hands of a Whig, and fixt in that of a Barista Angeloni, a jesuit, who relided Tury: For tho' this kingdom received its many years in London, to his friends at ultimate degree of perfection, at the ac

B Rome, I fancy his 3d letter, which was cesfion of king William to the throne ; directed to the Rev. father Francesco Mo yet that principle of changing, which has 11, of tlic college of Jesuits at Rome, will insentibly prevailed lince, has totally de. be entertaining to your readers. I am, stroyed the true state of the government Yours, &c.

then established, in every thing but nomie This letter is as follows :

nals; after that change, it was absolutely

necellary to be feady. Dear Sir,

Suppoling that the Catholic religion, OUR compliment, in answer to my C and the return of the Stuares, would

have been the neceita y attendants of a ments : You defire me to give you my Tory miniflry ; thmes which are always Lentiments, on what would have been connected in the idea of a Tory by a the fate of England, if the Tories had Whis; it must be difficult to ascertain, continued in the adıniniftration; but this what would have followed such a change, is an affair composed of such different and or how far the mistaken zeal of thore Ca. entangled parts, that it will be almost tholics, whore fiery imaginations pushed impoffible to develope what would have

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king James II. inio such precipitate disa been the consequence ; it will be more coveries of his religious faith, would difficultly decided, than the famous ques. have carried them? tion in Livy, where that author examines, Yet, give me leave to affert, that, if what would have been the success of the Whig principle was necessary to preAlexander's arms, if he had turned them serve the English in their freedom and reagainst the Italians, instead of the Per ligion, at the Revolution ; the Tory is Gans.

equally necessary at this moment, unless If we consider a Tory fimply, without they prefer no king and no religion, and conne&ting with it what all the Whigs E madly imagine a nation can be well dinever fail of bestowing him, in my opi reeted, without either of them, and their nion, he is the properest minister i a consitution preserved. man of his principies must conceive the Whetever was the opinion and design religion of his country, the prerogative of the Tories at the Revolution, however of the crown, the rights of the people, fixt their attachment to the Stuart race fomething above himself; as he acknow. might be, at that time, those notions at April, 1755

T 2

pretont

Y ah, memelimy ben acknowledg?

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148 A TORY Administration moft eligible. April present are at an end ; they now defend has long lived in, the present natives are the royal house on the thione, with as mistaken in what is every day advanced much zeal as the Whigs, and can only in publick places, that the Tories are bepreserve the kingdom from the anarchic some Whigs, and the Whigs Tories ; State which ch eatens it, before it totally which is, that the minister has adopted takes its last unalterable change. In fact, the principles of te Tory, tho' he calls unless the Tories have the administration, himself a Whig, and the Tory opposes on or their principles are adopted, the Eng. A those of the Whigs, lish conftitution is at an end : It is be But I think nothing has less truth in it come as absolutely requisite to oppose the than this assertion; the Tories have no oligarchic power at present, as ever it inclination to oppose the king, they bend was the monarchic, in the time of king their force against the minister alone, James II. and the principles of the Tories whose power they see every year fo enorwill soon he as necessary to defend his mouny increasing ; and the minister has present majesty, and the people's rights, no inclination to augment the regal pre: from the usurpation of the ministry, as rogative, and only advances his own pow. thofe of the Whigs were in the reign of B er? Thus it appears that the Whigs are James II. to protect the people's liberties Aill Whigs, tho' in power; and the To. alone.

ries still the same, tho' out of it, Nothing is so apt to deceive mankind, This is the true state as it appears to as fpecious plans of government, ideally me, and the Whigs are conscious of it ; delineated on paper : What can be finer for which reason they brand with the opimagined than this of England ? But it probrious term of Jacobitism, all those is in this instance, as in the most highly who are in the opposition to their meafinished machines a dust stops their mo.C sures. And as the million judges from tion, or produces an irregularity. If men words alone, without diftinguithing ideas, were all reasonable beings, and their this keeps their schemes from hting exwhole drift and design were to render amined, and their opponents doomed ta each other happy ; if no intervening par. a kind of infamy. fons would interfere, to disturb the Methinks I have given you an account regular difpofition of things, the princi. sufficient to let you into the present fitu. ples of a government once established ation of English liherty ; I have no more would proceed as uniformly as those in

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to add on this subject, and only defire mechanics ; the Whig plan of the Eng

that you would conceal there letters, lish confitution would be the best adapt, which may from time to time write ed for human nature, and human happi- you ; perhaps there may be greater freepess.

dom in them, than the nature of our orBut alas ! such is the temper of man, der allows, or at least, than some warm that someihing more material and hardy heads will permit, who cannot bear a difmust make up the component parts of a

ference of sentiment in malters of this government, ihan thore which are ima nature. Adicu, I am gined in the Whig system.

E

Yours most sincerely. If a king ropposes that he has an inde. fearable right, and his minister indulges

King EDWARD IV's Speecb 10 his Prie him in that imagination; a militia, which vy-Council and Nobility, to persuade them was the ancient military force of this

to a War with FRANCE : By which it kingdom, and the gentry which command

will appear ibuIraries were cbler ved at it, will never bend to such a disposition,

tbat Time by the French in tbe same Mana carried beyond what the laws allow,

mer as at Presenta

HE are dimore than what the conftitution allows him; and this is, and may be safely grant

world is fixt upon me, to observe with ed : Whatever more the speculative zeal what countenance I suffer them. I must of a people may yield him, their sensati, confess they are of fo strange a nature, ons will contradict and correct ; and real that I remain rather amazed than enraged: feelings banish the influence of ideal no Had I dealt with any prince, not civilized tions. Thus, in this very manner of con by laws or inured to commerce, I had fidering things, the king's defire of pow yet the religion of so many oaths, and er must be opposed by the people's love

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the reason of every politic circumstance of liberty ; two objects of the same trong so clear, that I could no ways have fufpaffion, which, meeting like the of pected this foul and foolith breach of faith. an arch in the central stone, support all But in a Chriftian king, and who pretends firm and connefied.

to be moft Christian, I have met with ra If a stranger may judge of a nation kie horrid a perjury, and fo disgraceful in the

nation,

Noking has an indeseafable right to F T Hulged every where ; and all the

1755. Spirited SPEECH of EDWARD IV:

149 nation, that as all mankind must abhor, It is confeft, our confederacies are quite difhim as barbarous, so in my own particu. foled; and I rejoice in that we jball underlar I must neglect the principal office of a take ibis great bufiness alone : For experience prince, it I omit to chastife him. Moft in our lift attemp: jhiwed, tbat princes of sem of you, my lords, are witnesses to the veral nations, bowever they pretend tbe jume folemnity of his vows, when humbly we bave fill several aims ; and oftentimes a con. declined the ruin of his kingdom ; and I, federate is a greater enemy ro tbe prosperity of to avoid so great a massacre as the war A a war than tbe enemy bimself ; envy begetwould have endangered, condescended to ting more difficulty in a camp, than any end all controversies by accord. My cie. oppontion from the adverse army. Our mency is now become my scorn ; and I brother of Burgundy, and uncle of St. ! reap indignities where I foed favours. Pol are both dead. How little their amity For, this ungrateful man, (prince I must advanced us, nay, how, just a jealousy of pot term him, who hath by perjury for their fecret practices hindered our designs feited that sacred title, in contempt to all then on France, you may well remember; haw both human and divine, denies not and how in our return towards England, oniy the marriage of the Dauphin to our 8 we had more fear to be assaulted by their daughter, which would have proved so traitorous weapons, than by any arms great an honour to his blood, and security from the enemy. But we will spare their of his kingdom; but even the annual tri memory; they laboured their own safety, bute of 50,000 crowns ; a nender ac not our glory. This I am fecure of, that knowledgment for so large a country, by as by death they are rendered unprofita. our permitsion he has hitherto enjoyed. ble t us, ro likewise not dangerous. And This contumely I am resolved to punish; as for Bretagne, if his weakness disables and I cannot doubt success ; Almighty chim as to our aid, I am confident it will God strengthens till his arm who under continue him a neuter. Neither is it to takes a war for justice.. In our expediti. be forgot, how secerely now we may ons heretofore against the French, what leave England, rather than heretofore, prosperity waited upon the English arms confidering our so entire friendship with is known to all the world : And yet ama the Scots ; whole hoftility was always bnion then appeared the chief councellor upon us at home, when we attempted of war. Now, besides all that right victory abroad : But I detain you by my which led Edward lll. our glorious an speech too long from action, I see the cestor, and Henry V. our predecetfor, we D clouds of due revenge gathered in your seem to have a deputyship from heaven, brows, and the lightning of fury break to execute the office of the fupreme judge, from your eyes, which forebodes thunder in chastiling the impious. When we were against our enemies. Let us therefore Jast in France, an innate fear of this falle Tore no time, but suddenly and severely man forced him down to a fordid pur. fcourge this perjured coward to a too late chase of security : How low will a wicka repentance, and regain honour to our naed confcience, which even makes the va. tion, and his kingdom to our crown.' Jiant cowardly to tremble, bend him now? E N. B. See Rapin's History, anno 1483, Now, when an implacable resolution for where we shall find, that whatever res. revenge sets a far sharper edge upon your fon the king might have, 'the nation had swords ? Now, when he hath no lypo not near such good reasons for declaring crisy left undiscovered, nor subterfuge for war against France, as it has at present. his former perjury, nor art to gain belief to new diffimulacion y now, when our The Life of Sir WALTER RALEIGH, cars thall be deaf to all submiffion, and Knt. rib bis HEAD Curicully engraved. when our conscience is so well resolved HIS great man was born 1552,

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will be thought a vicious lenity, and the in that part of Devonshire, bordering up. most favage cruelty but an act of justice. on the sea to the east, near which the I need not repeat how much age hath in. Ottery discharges itself into the British formed him, and indeed I think it was his channel. The family from whence he dotage committed this foolish crime; not derived his descent, was feated in that yet how hated He is rendered abroad by county before the Conquest, and his fahis unfaithful dealing, and at home by ther, Walter Raleigh, of Fards, in the his severe government ; the commonalty G parish of Cornwood, Erg; was not only funk down by heavy impofitions ; the no rich, but greatly respected in his neighbility, by proud neglect, exasperated to bourhood, and, tho' the gentleman we defire any innovation : But we want not are treating of, was his fourth son, he advantage ; in the justice of our cause bestowed an education upon him not at and valour of our people we have enough all inferior to that he would have given

150 LIFE'of Sir WALTER RALEIGH. April to the heir of his fortune. He studied at ment at court; but notwithstanding his Oxford, and became a gentleman com hopes of that fort, his ever active mind moner of Christ Church and Oriel col induced him to undertake another expeleges, where he gave proofs of that vivaa dition, with his brother Gilbert, to New city, and that strength of genius in his foundland, whom he attended as his viceearlier days, that when thoroughly ma admiral, in the bark Raleigh of 200 tons, tured produced such extraordinary fruits. which he had built and victualled at his It appears, however, that he came from A own expence for the voyage. They set the university before he was 17'; for in fail June 11, 1583, but the crew of Ra1569, he became one of the 100 gentle leigh's ship being attacked by a contagious man voluntiers that went with Henry distemper, he was obliged to return to Champernon into France, by queen Eliza Plymouth ; which perhaps was the means beth's permission, for the affistance of of saving his life ; for Sir Humphry, after the Protettant princes ; and tho' we can having taken possession of the country, fay little of the success or issue of that ex was lost in his return, with two of his pedition, yet it is plain that he made ma fhips, and their crews, and the rest with ny useful and sagacious remarks upon B the utmost difficulty reached their native men and manners, and improved himself country, Raleigh, whose roul was supe. in the languages; and what he has said in rior to the attacks of misfortune, did not his history of the world, of the conduct however, upon these difallers, give over of certain generals there, was drawn a design so beneficial as the North Ameria from his observacion at that time,

can discoveries, which he represented in Sir Walter, after his return from France, such a light to the queen and council, went on a new expedition, to more dir that, March 25, 1584, letters patent tant climes ; accompanying Sir Humphry c .were granted him in favour of his proGilbert, his half brother, to the northern ject, upon which he fitted out two ships, parts of America ; which that gentleman under able commanders, who failed to had obtained a patent from the queen to soon after as the next 27th of April, de make settlements in and plant ; however barked on an island called Woboken, the laudable design proved abortive by entered into a friendly commerce with means of dissensions amongst the volun. the Indians, and made such discoveries on tieis. In 1580, when the Spanish and the continent, that, upon their report, at Italian forces made a descent upon Ire their return, the queen became inclined fand, to support the rebellion in Munfier, D to settle a colony there and gave the he procured a captain's commission under country the name of Virginia. the lord Grey of Wilton, who had at the Soon after he was chosen representative fame time the famous Spenser for his se in parliament for Devonshire, made a cretary. He was chiefly distinguished, great figure in the house, and during the however, under the earl of Ormond, go fession was knighted ; an honour the yernor of munfter, and having surprized more valuable, as his royal mistress was a party of Irish at Ramile, he took all very sparing in bertowing titles. In that those prisoners who did not fall in the E fame leflion his patent for discoveries was bght, and punished them according to confirmed, and the queen granted him the their deserts. On the departure of the lucrative power of licencing the selling of carl for England, Raleigh succeeded hiin wine throughout the kingdom. Afier the in the government of Munster, fo much prorogation of the parliament, he again had his eminent services recommended appiyed iimself to the execution of his him, nor did he fail of gratifying the ex favourite scheme, the planting of Virgie pectations he had raised ; for, thro' the. nia, for which purpose he sent out a flect whole of his command, he acted with of seven ships, under the command of the the greatest gallantry and honour, and F brave Sir Richard Greenville his coulin, particularly defeated and put to fight the

who left behind him a colony of 107 per, rebei Barry, at Clove. He afterwards fons at Roanah, and in his return took a was appointed governor of Cork, and did Spanish galleon worth 50,000l. Fortune not leave Ireland till he saw a final period seemed now to be in the humour to gra. of the Rebellion. Some disputes having tity all the wishes of Sir Walter ; for be. arisen between him and the lord deputy fides this acquisition of wealth, the for. Grey; upon the latter resigning the sword, feited estates in Ireland being to be given they were brought to a hearing before the G to those who had been serviceable there, English council, where Raleigh displayed the queen granted him a very large share, his abilities in such a manner as procured being 12000 acres, in the counties of the queen's good opinion and the patro Cork and Waterford, with privileges and sage of the earl of Leicester, which seem. immunities to encourage his planting and ed to promile him conkiderable prefer futtlement thereof,

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