Days 27 131 177 114 102 102 100% 28 130 178 102 101 102 100 99 I 130 177 113 102 ΙΟΙ 102 101 100 PRICES of STOCKS for each Day in MARCH, BILLS of MORTALITY, &c. BANK INDIA South Sea South Sea South Seal 3 and p.13 p. Cent.[S. S. An. 13 p. Cent. Ind. Bonds B.Cir. p. Wind at STOCK.STOCK. STOCK, Annu. oid Ann. new C. B. An. B. Annu. 1751. Ind. Ann.) 99 præm. 31. 25 31. 38 1. s. d. I 5 I 5 o N. E. E. N. E. raw cold clou. rain 99 31. 28 I 2 6 N. E. cloudy W. fine clear Wheaten Peck Loaf rs. 8d. tair, windy Peafe 255. per Quarter. Oxford. Abingdon. 454 to 4s 08d08. ros. to gl. 12s. 6d. ld. ogl. 9s, to 10l. 6d. load. 25 3d to 28 5d Is 9d to 28 od 35 4d to 386d 16s. to 17s. 6d. 13s. od. to 15s. od. 18s. 6d. to 19s. 16s. to 175. p.q.13s. 6d. to 158. ood. 18s, od, to 19s. od, p. q. cloudy March 4 468 474 460 18 462 25 477 2341 W. S. W. For APRIL, 1755 To be Continued. (Price Six Pence each Month.) Containing, (Greater Variety, and more in Quantity, than any Monthly Book of the fame Price.) I. Letter from a Jeluit, on our Parties. II. Spirited Speech of Edward IV. III. The Life of Sir Walter Raleigh. IV. The JOURNAL of a Learned and Political CLUB, &c. continued: Containing the SPEECHES of Cn. Cornelius Cethegus and C. Numifius, on the Refult of the Enquiry into the Management of the late Lottery. V. Reflections on our Trade with France. VI. Elegance and Dignity of the Scriptures. VII. Mifchiefs from Modern Sectaries. VIII. Polite Arts encouraged. IX. Original Letter from Q Cath. to Hen. VIII. XI. Letter from Oxford to the K. of Naples. XXIV. Mathematical Solutions, 1 Chron. xiii. 16; Extract from the Tomb of Shakespear; Defcription of Morning; Prologue at acting the Mourn ing Bride; Verses written at Montauban; upon Johnson's Dictionary; to John Keeling, Efq; a Song fet to Mufick, a new Country Dance, &c. &c. &c. &c. XXX. The MONTHLY CHRONOLOGER : As paffed; King's Speech; River ftrange. ly dry; Indigo and Silk from our Colonies; Seffions at the Old Bailey; Assizes; Leheup's Trial; Barbarous Murder; Fire, Storms, Collections, &c. &c. &c. XXXI. Cure for the Bite of a Mad Dog. XXXII. Promotions; Marriages and Births; Deaths; Bankrupts. XXXIII. Prices of Stocks for each Day. XXXV. Plays acted at the Theatres. XXXVI. FOREIGN AFFAIRS. XXXVII. A Catalogue of Books. XXXVIII. Account of Johnfan's Dictionary, With a fine HEAD of Sir WALTER RALEIGH, a curious Reprefentation of Aquatick Weeds, &c, and an elegant PROSPECT of CHATHAM, beautifully engraved on Copper., MULTUM IN PARVO. LONDON: Printed for R. BALDWIN, at the Role in Pater-Nofter-Row; Of whom may be had, compleat Sets from the Year 1733 to this Time, neatly Bound, or Stitch'd, or any fingle Month to compleat Sets. We are fill, for want of room, obliged to defer the favours of many of our kind correfpondents; and fome particularly, ofired to be inferted this month, came too late; which was the cafe of the ode of F. 1. H. of Cornwall. The declaration recommended by R, T. fhall be inferted in in the Mag. for May. Plays, &c. acted at the Theatres ibid. A catalogue of books 191 Prices of stocks and grain; wind, wea ther 192 Monthly bill of mortality ibid. A comprehenfive account of Johnson's dictionary ТНЕ LONDON MAGAZINE. APRIL, 1755. To the AUTHOR of the LONDON SIR, HERE is nothing should ty, than to hear what A This letter is as follows: Dear Sir, Y B OUR compliment, in anfwer to my C laft, merits my best acknowledg. ments: You deure me to give you my fentiments, on what would have been the fate of England, if the Tories had continued in the adminiftration; but this is an affair compofed of fuch different and entangled parts, that it will be almost impoffible to develope what would have been the confequence; it will be more difficultly decided, than the famous queftion in Livy, where that author examines, what would have been the fuccefs of Alexander's arms, if he had turned them against the Italians, inftead of the Perfians. If we confider a Tory fimply, without connecting with it what all the Whigs never fail of bestowing him, in my opinion, he is the propereft minifter; a man of his principles must conceive the religion of his country, the prerogative of the crown, the rights of the people, fomething above himfelf; as he acknowApril, 1755 ledges he has no right to think different from the establishment in either cafe. Whereas, every Whig muft imagine himfelf above all thefe; because he imagines he has a right to think, and determine for himself in each particular. And certainly it is the nature of that man, who thinks he has a privilege of accepting or refufing whatever parts he pleafes in any government, to be lefs bound by it, than thofe who look on the three abovementioned articles as facred. The conftitution is for ever unitable from principle, in the hands of a Whig, and fixt in that of a Tory: For tho' this kingdom received its ultimate degree of perfection, at the acceffion of king William to the throne ; yet that principle of changing, which has infenfibly prevailed fince, has totally defroyed the true ftate of the government then established, in every thing but nominals; after that change, it was abfolutely neceifary to be steady. Suppofing that the Catholic religion, and the return of the Stuarts, would have been the neceifa y attendants of a Tory miniflry, things which are always Connected in the idea of a Tory by a Whig; it must be difficult to ascertain, what would have followed fuch a change, or how far the miftaken zeal of thofe Catholics, whofe fiery imaginations pushed Dking James II. into fuch precipitate difcoveries of his religious faith, would have carried them? E Yet, give me leave to affert, that, if the Whig principle was neceffary to preferve the English in their freedom and religion, at the Revolution; the Tory is equally neceffary at this moment, unless they prefer no king and no religion, and madly imagine a nation can be well directed, without either of them, and their conflitution preferved. Whetever was the opinion and defign of the Tories at the Revolution, however fixt their attachment to the Stuart race might be, at that time, thofe notions at T 2 prefent 148 ATORY Adminiftration moft eligible. prefent are at an end; they now defend the royal house on the throne, with as much zeal as the Whigs, and can only preferve the kingdom from the anarchic ftate which th eatens it, before it totally takes its laft unalterable change. In fact, unless the Tories have the administration, or their principles are adopted, the Eng lih conftitution is at an end: It is become as abfolutely requifite to appofe the oligarchic power at prefent, as ever it was the monarchic, in the time of king James II. and the principles of the Tories will foon he as neceffary to defend his prefent majefty, and the people's rights, from the ufurpation of the ministry, as thofe of the Whigs were in the reign of James II. to protect the people's liberties alone. A April has long lived in, the present natives are mistaken in what is every day advanced in publick places, that the Tories are besome Whigs, and the Whigs Tories which is, that the minifter has adopted the principles of the Tory, tho' he calls himfelf a Whig, and the Tory opposes on thofe of the Whigs. But I think nothing has lefs truth in it than this affertion; the Tories have no inclination to oppofe the king, they bend their force against the minifter alone, whose power they fee every year fo enor mously increasing; and the minister has no inclination to augment the regal pre rogative, and only advances his own pow Ber: Thus it appears that the Whigs are fill Whigs, tho' in power; and the To. ries ftill the fame, tho' out of it, Nothing is fo apt to deceive mankind, as fpecious plans of government, ideally delineated on paper: What can be finer imagined than this of England? But it is in this inftance, as in the most highly finished machines; a dust stops their mo- C tion, or produces an irregularity. If men were all reafonable beings, and their whole drift and defign were to render each other happy; if no intervening paffions would interfere, to disturb the regular difpofition of things, the principles of a government once established would proceed as uniformly as thofe in mechanics; the Whig plan of the EngJish conftitution would be the best adapted for human nature, and human happi nefs. But alas! fuch is the temper of man, that fomething more material and hardy must make up the component parts of a government, than thofe which are imagined in the Whig fyftem. If a king fuppofes that he has an indefeafable right, and his minifter indulges him in that imagination; a militia, which was the ancient military force of this kingdom, and the gentry which command it, will never bend to íuch a difpofition, carried beyond what the laws allow. Ꭰ E This is the true ftate as it appears to me, and the Whigs are confcious of it; for which reafon they brand with the op probrious term of Jacobitifm, all those who are in the oppofition to their meafures. And as the million judges from words alone, without diftinguishing ideas, this keeps their fchemes from being examined, and their opponents doomed to a kind of infamy. Methinks I have given you an account fufficient to let you into the prefent fituation of English liberty; I have no more to add on this fubject, and only defire that you would conceal thefe letters, which I may from time to time write you; perhaps there may be greater freedom in them, than the nature of our order allows, or at least, than fome warm heads will permit, who cannot bear a difference of fentiment in matters of this nature, Adieu, I am Yours moft fincerely. King EDWARD IV's Speech to bis Prie vy-Council and Nobility, to perfuade them to a War with FRANCE: By which it will appear that Treaties were observed as that Time by the French in the fame Man mer as at Prefent. HE injuries I have received are di eking has an indefeafable right to FT vulged every where; and all the more than what the conftitution allows him; and this is, and may be safely granted: Whatever more the fpeculative zeal of a people may yield him, their fenfati ons will contradi& and correct; and real feelings banish the influence of ideal notians. Thus, in this very manner of confidering things, the king's defire of power must be oppofed by the people's love of liberty; two objects of the fame ftrong paffion, which, meeting like the fides of an arch in the central stone, fupport all firm and connected. If a ranger may judge of a nation he world is fixt upon me, to obferve with what countenance I fuffer them. I muft confefs they are of fo ftrange a nature, that I remain rather amazed than enraged: Had I dealt with any prince, not civilized by laws or inured to commerce, I had yet the religion of so many oaths, and the reafon of every politic circumstance fo clear, that I could no ways have fufpected this foul and foolish breach of faith. But in a Chriftian king, and who pretends to be moft Chriftian, I have met with fo horrid a perjury, and fo difgraceful to the |