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that both princes and people fhould fwear to promote and abide by the faith.

We come now to that part of the book, which hath drawn down upon the author the vengeance, of thofe weak, uncharitable magiftrates, from whom he might justly have expected protection and reward.

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Beginning with the hiftory of the Helvetic confeffion, Although, fays our author, it be a difagreeable task to expose our own failings, yet a regard to truth will not fuffer me to conceal the tranfactions of my country. He then quotes a paffage from Hottinger's church-history of Switzerland, to the following effect. Bullinger had already in 1562, committed to paper a fummary of the doctrines, which in his writing and preaching he had inculcated, intending, that after his death, it fhould be delivered to the government, as a teftimony of the constant uniformity of his doctrine; which was alfo read and approved by Peter Martyr. This his intention he inferted in his will, when in 1564 he was vifited by the Plague. But being reftored to the ardent fupplications of his congregation, the holy provi dence of the Almighty prefented an opportunity of publishing this confeffion of faith, for the edification of the church of God.'

In short, Bullinger's confeffion of faith met with fo much ap probation, that the churches of Geneva, Bern, and Zurich, thought fit to publifh it as the creed of the united Calviniftical communities. The kirk of Scotland, with feveral others, petitioned to have their names inferted; but it was thought more advisable, that the church of each nation fhould have its own feparate confeffion. I acknowledge, fays our author, this confeffion to be a valuable memorial of the belief of the unenlightened times, in which it was conceived; and that it beams forth as much celeftial wifdom, as that of Augfberg or any other; but, in erecting it as a standard, and a compulfive law, enforced by bitter oaths, feems it not that we have fallen into the error of the church of Rome, exculpating the Ifraelitifh worship of the golden calf?' He then proceeds, with great perfpicuity and strength of argument, to expofe the abfurdity of fwearing to the truth of any creed whatfoever, unless with the church of Rome, we admit the infallibility of thofe, by whom it was compofed. It is allowed, fays he, by all those who are capable of reasoning, that the understanding can judge of truth only, according to the degree of evidence. Suppose, for instance, a man fhould fwear that a piece of cloth was blue, and that seeing it afterwards in a better light, he should find it to be green, he will certainly believe it to be green, though he should a thousand times have fworn that it was blue.' Many other arguments equally conclufive, are advanced by

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this truly fpirited, honeft, and rational writef, in proof of his opinion; but the propofition is fo felf-evident, that to mention' them were fuperfluous. We cannot, however, take leave of him, without tranflating the laft fection of his book. It is as follows.

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I imagine to myself, that I fee the beloved difciple of Jefus rife from the dead, and on our ufual day of fwearing enter the fenate-house. He views the venerable fathers of their country; whofe grave and folemn afpects befpeak them engaged in bufinefs of great importance. This makes him attentive. He liftens to the reading of a great number of obligations, laws, ordinances, commandments, ftatutes, and regulations of government, all falutary, and calculated to promote the happiness of the community; infomuch, that each individual, not only in confcience, but for his own fake, fhould rejoice in the obfervance. He becomes greatly delighted, and exclaims in congratulation, O how they love each other!' But his joy is foon interrupted with a murmur of curfes, when fwearing, they all wish, that in case of disobedience, the hand which they hold up, may be confumed by fire from heaven, their tongue rot in their mouth, their eyes fee no more light, their ears hear no more founds, that thunder may shatter their teeth, their lungs be ftifled, and that torture may tear their limbs, and burft their bowels. Here the holy difciple quakes and trembles. He remembers the hardned Jews, calling down a curfe upon themfelves: his blood be upon us and on our children! Which curse hath been fo juftly accomplished, that they have severely felt its weight for near two thousand years.Tears fall from his eyes; his heart bleeds', &c.

Thus have we endeavoured to give our readers fome idea of this remarkable book; remarkable, as well on account of the freedom, ftrength, and truth, of its fentiments, as for the perfecution it has brought upon its worthy author.

When we confider the merit of this performance, the piety and irreproachable character of the writer, and that it was publifhed among a people who pride themfelves in their liberty, and pretend to abhor the perfecuting fpirit of the church of Rome, we are aftonished at the confequences of its publication! But when, on the other hand, we confider, their governors as capable of exacting fuch horrid curfes from their poor fubjects; and when we remember them as the perfecutors of the honeft Rouffeáu, our astonishment ceases, and we have nothing left, but to invite the excellent author to take refuge in à country where he will probably meet with more juftice and humanity.

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Hifloiré

Hiftoire de la Vie de Henry IV. Roi de France et de Navarre, &c. That is, the Hiftory of the Life of Henry IV. King of France and Navarre. By M. De Bury. 12mo. 4 vol. Paris, 1766.

HERE is fearce any fpecies of writing, that is more inftructive to the philofopher, or agreeable to fuch as read only for their amusement, than the lives of those who have made a diftinguifhed figure in the highest stations of life. General hiftory often throws a falfe light on the characters of such perfons; the fplendor, which furrounds them dazzles the eye, and prevents our having a clear and diftinct view of them: but when they lay afide the badges of their dignity, and defcend from the height of their exalted stations, to the common level of humanity; when we are allowed to take a view of them as fathers, hufbands, mafters, friends, and companions; when we are admitted to their tables, and their diverfions, and mix with them in the humble amufements, and agreeable relaxations of domeftic life, we can then form a juft idea of their characters; and whilst our self-love is agreeably flattered in being admitted to a familiar intercourfe with fuch illuftrious perfonages, we clearly perceive that men are the fame in every rank and ftation of life.

The work now before us, therefore, must be acceptable to readers of every clafs; and indeed defervedly. Befides an account of the great actions which Henry the fourth performed in the eyes of all Europe, it contains many agreeable and interefting particulars, not generally known, which throw light upon the character of that great prince. It will be readily imagined that the Author has made great ufe of Sully's Memoirs; as Sully, however, confined himself principally to these things in which he himself was concerned as a minifter, the Reader will find in this hiftory a great many facts omitted by the Duke, and collected, with great care, from a variety of Authors, by M. De Bury: whofe principal defign is to display the real character and private life of his hero. The difcerning Reader will probably think that he treats the blemishes and imperfections of Henry's character with too much tenderness; his work, however, notwithstanding this, has no inconfiderable degree of merit. His ftile is clear, eafy, and natural; his reflections few, but judicious, and fuch as naturally arife from the facts which he relates.

He concludes his hiftory with a comparison between Henry and Philip of Macedon. As this part of his work contains the principal features in the portraits of thefe two great princes, we fhall present our Readers with fome extracts from it.

In the twenty-fixth book of Sully's Memoirs we are told, that Henry, being one day at dinner with the Duke, and the converfation happening to turn upon thofe great men whose APP. vol. xxxiv.

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actions are celebrated in hiftory, afked Sully which of them all he most wished him to refemble?-If Sully had been well acquainted with the hiftory of Greece, our Author tells us, he would have found, among the heroes who are celebrated in it, a prince, whofe virtues, atchievements, good and bad fortune, &c. had fo perfect a refemblance to thofe of Henry, that he might have drawn an exact parallel between them. This prince · was Philip, whofe conformity of character with that of Henry, he now endeavours to fhew.

When Amyntas, King of Macedon, died, he left three fons, Alexander, Perdiccas, and Philip. According to the order of nature, the youngest of the three could never expect to mount the throne; this circumftance, however, was the cause of his grandeur. Being fent to Thebes as an hoftage, for reafons of ftate, he was committed to the care of Epaminondas, the greatest captain and the wifeft man of Greece; who took care to give him the best education in every refpect that a prince could receive, and by which Philip knew admirably well how to profit.

When Henry came into the world, he was still at a greater diftance from the crown which providence defigned for him, than Philip was from that of Macedonia. Four Princes, who might have a numerous progeny, feemed to exclude him from all poffibility of ever reaching the throne. He reached it, however, with this difference, that his poffeffion of it was lawful, whereas that of Philip appeared to be an ufurpation; for after the death of his two elder brothers, he took poffeffion of the crown, by excluding young Amyntas his nephew, whofe guardian he was; unless we fay, that the uncle might lawfully exclude the nephew, as there were precedents for it in the hiftory of Macedonia.

Thefe two princes, born with the finest capacities that nature can beftow, derived great advantages from their education, which enabled them to make those solid reflections, which adverfity always fuggefts to brave and generous minds.

The education of Henry was not fo brilliant as that of Philip, who was inftructed in all the fciences known to the Greeks, the most ingenious and polite people in the world. Accordingly he furpaffed all the princes who went, before him in eloquence, philofophy, the knowledge of war and politics. Henry was educated by his mother the Queen of Navarre, and by Flor. Chretien, a man pretty well acquainted with history and polite literature, but who had not acquired that extenfive knowledge which those who were at the head of the Greek republic were poffeffed of, and with whom Philip had particular connections in his youth.

It is with reafon the Greeks boaft of the eloquence of Philip; but it was not that kind of eloquence which impofes upon republicans, who are fond of ingenious and sprightly

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turns, and who fuffer themselves, to be feduced by the charms. of a beautiful elocution. It was a fpecies of eloquence which he had formed himself, nervous, fimple, manly, full of reafon and good fenfe, the only eloquence fit for kings.

Henry the Fourth had not perhaps carefully ftudied the works of Demofthenes and Cicero; indeed he had not time for this he had however a true, fimple, and perfuafive eloquence, as appears by his letters and thofe fpeeches of his which are ftill extant. Both Philip and he excelled in quick and fprightly repartees. Several of their apothegms and bons mats are ftill preferved, full of good sense and pleasantry. Thofe of Henry I have related occafionally; Philip's may be seen in the life I have given of him.

Henry and Philip were inftructed in the military art by the example and counfels of the two greateft captains of their times, Epaminondas and Coligny, under whom they learned to obey before they commanded. Both thefe princes profited fo much by the inftructions of their mafters, that they were without difpute the greatest captains of the age they lived in, and furpaffed all those who went before them.

When Philip mounted the throne of Macedon, he found his kingdom almoft intirely invaded by his neighbours who were laying it waste, and his Grandees acting in concert with them, that each might fecure to himself a hare of the provinces. We have feen in the life of Henry, what the condition of France was when he came to the crown. The greatest part of his nobles deferted him, invited foreigners to affift, and fupport them, and feized the revenues of the ftate. But both thefe princes, fuperiour to adverfity, and founding their hopes and their glory upon their courage, boldly attacked their enemies, beat them in feveral engagements, and forced them to return to their allegiance. The victories of Argues and Ivry confounded the league, as that which Philip gained over Bardillus, King of the Illyrians, made him master of Macedon, and that at Cheronæa, of all Greece.

One of the nobleft qualities thefe princes were poffeffed of, was their attention to make their fubjects happy and their dominions flourish. If their defigns were not always crowned with fuccefs, it was because they were not always masters of thofe circumftances which do not depend upon the power or forefight of man; but they never loft fight of thefe glorious objects. Philip had no fooner driven his foreign enemies from his dominions, and established the tranquillity of his people, than he made himself mafter of Amphipolis, a city which belonged to his predeceffors, and which had an excellent harbour. He ordered fleets to be equipped, with which he attacked the Athenians, who had made themfelves lords at fea, and obliged them to give his fubjects a fhare in their commerce.

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